摘要
本文采用移位岛条件、重构效应以及长距离依存关系对不同类型的汉语关系结构进行测试,探讨其生成过程是否需要句法移位。作者发现,论元、话题以及时间、地点状语关系化时,需要遵守移位岛条件,关系结构内部也显示重构效应和长距离依存现象,因而这些结构是通过移位而生成的。其它状语与松散成分关系化时,同样遵守移位岛条件,但关系结构内部不显示重构效应和长距离依存现象。作者认为,后两种关系结构的生成不涉及句法移位,其遵守移位岛条件仅仅是表面现象。关系从句和先行词是通过初次合并的方式结合在一起的,二者之间通过语义上的"相关"关系得到允准。
This article investigates whether movement is involved in Chinese relativization.It demonstrates that when an argument,a topic,a time or place adjunct is relativized,island constraints are observed,and the resulting construction shows reconstruction effect as well as properties of longdistance dependency,while when an adjunct of other types or a sloppy constituent is relativized,island constraints are observed,but no reconstruction effect and properties of long-distance dependency is exhibited.It is concluded that movement is involved only in the former three types of relativization.The latter two types involve only a merging process of the relative clause and the antecedent,which are generated independently and linked with each other via an 'aboutness' relation.
出处
《现代外语》
CSSCI
北大核心
2013年第2期143-149,219,共7页
Modern Foreign Languages