The search for cancer biomarkers is frequently based on comparisons between tumors and adjacent-to-tumor samples. However, even after histological confirmation of been free of cancer cells, these adjacent-to-tumor sam...The search for cancer biomarkers is frequently based on comparisons between tumors and adjacent-to-tumor samples. However, even after histological confirmation of been free of cancer cells, these adjacent-to-tumor samples might harbor molecular alterations which are not sufficient to cause them to look like cancer, but can differentiate these cells from normal cells. When comparing them, potential biomarkers are missed, and mainly the opportunity of finding initial aberrations presents in both tumors and adjacent samples, but not in true normal samples from non-cancer patients, resulting in misinterpretations about the carcinogenic process. Nevertheless, collecting adjacent-to-tumor samples brings trumps to be explored. The addition of samples from non-cancer patients opens an opportunity to increase the finds of the molecular cascade of events in the carcinogenic process. Differences between normal samples and adjacent samples might represent the first steps of the carcinogenic process. Adding samples of non-cancer patients to the analysis of molecular alterations relevant to the carcinogenic process opens a new window of opporttmides to the discovery of cancer biomarkers and molecular targets.展开更多
During Donald Trump’s first term,the“Trump Shock”brought world politics into an era of uncertainties and pulled the transatlantic alliance down to its lowest point in history.The Trump 2.0 tsunami brewed by the 202...During Donald Trump’s first term,the“Trump Shock”brought world politics into an era of uncertainties and pulled the transatlantic alliance down to its lowest point in history.The Trump 2.0 tsunami brewed by the 2024 presidential election of the United States has plunged the U.S.-Europe relations into more gloomy waters,ushering in a more complex and turbulent period of adjustment.展开更多
While the 47^(th) U.S.president has declared a trade war on all nations,China has the strength to get ahead despite the complex rivalry.“History doesn’t repeat itself,but it often rhymes.”This saying by celebrated ...While the 47^(th) U.S.president has declared a trade war on all nations,China has the strength to get ahead despite the complex rivalry.“History doesn’t repeat itself,but it often rhymes.”This saying by celebrated American writer Mark Twain,a contemporary of the American Civil War(1861-1865)and the Crimean War(1853-1856),resonates uncannily once again as Donald Trump takes charge in the United States.展开更多
BRICS and Global South must unite against unilateralism and coercion In the face of US President Donald Trump’s aggressive tariff policies and coercive tactics,the Global South is increasingly choosing resistance ove...BRICS and Global South must unite against unilateralism and coercion In the face of US President Donald Trump’s aggressive tariff policies and coercive tactics,the Global South is increasingly choosing resistance over submission.展开更多
ASEAN’s major power balancing strategy refers to the balancing strategy adopted by ASEAN and its member states to seek national and regional security and development by maintaining multi-faceted friendship and impart...ASEAN’s major power balancing strategy refers to the balancing strategy adopted by ASEAN and its member states to seek national and regional security and development by maintaining multi-faceted friendship and impartiality with surrounding major powers.The evolution of this strategy is a process of dynamic adjustment,with ASEAN and its members being the implementing subjects,major powers the objects.展开更多
During his second White House term,Trump’s governing style remains characteristically assertive,launching a full-scale offensive from day one.Domestically,he’s pushing for sweeping government reforms.
Since the end of the Cold War,the core goal of U.S.policy toward Africa has been to build its influence on the continent through development assistance and trade preferences attached with political conditionalities,de...Since the end of the Cold War,the core goal of U.S.policy toward Africa has been to build its influence on the continent through development assistance and trade preferences attached with political conditionalities,defined as“assistance for concessions”.After the September 11 attacks,counterterrorism became a priority in U.S.national security strategy,being one of the three pillars of U.S.policy toward Africa alongside assistance and trade.展开更多
The Asia-Pacific region is the most dynamic part of the global economy.After over 50 years of continuously expanding trade,investment and industrial cooperation,the region has formed a highly-tied multi-level labor di...The Asia-Pacific region is the most dynamic part of the global economy.After over 50 years of continuously expanding trade,investment and industrial cooperation,the region has formed a highly-tied multi-level labor division system covering vertical integration and horizontal complementarity of industrial chains.From the V-shaped development model in the twentieth century to the East Asian production network in the twenty-first century,the intra-industry and intra-product division of labor in the Asia-Pacific region has been ever deepening.However,due to the region’s high dependence on the U.S.market,the division of labor model in the Asia-Pacific suffers structural problems and is relatively fragile.Under the shock of Trump 1.0,countries in the Asia-Pacific region were forced to make adaptive adjustments,causing short-term turmoil in the regional economic order.Trump’s strong return in 2025,driven by the“America First”principle,brought forth a series of policies with strong unilateralism,isolationism and protectionism tendencies within just a few months。展开更多
The 2024 election is a pivotal and highly contested event in the United States.Donald Trump is expected to compete against Joe Biden without any doubts.A potential return of Trump to the White House would likely cause...The 2024 election is a pivotal and highly contested event in the United States.Donald Trump is expected to compete against Joe Biden without any doubts.A potential return of Trump to the White House would likely cause significant reactions in East Asia,particularly among the three major countries in the region.This analysis will explore the detailed implications of Trump’s return.展开更多
China Economist has continuously carried out surveys among economists and this round of survey focuses on comparison and interactions between China＇s and the United States＇ economies. The result of the survey shows ...China Economist has continuously carried out surveys among economists and this round of survey focuses on comparison and interactions between China＇s and the United States＇ economies. The result of the survey shows that economists are generally optimistic about the outlook of both countries＇economies. Respondents believed that great differences exist in the components of industrial competitiveness of China and the US; while the US leads in terms of talent, creativity, social system, industrial system integrity and financing, cost is the biggest barrier to improvement in US competitiveness. In comparison, China leads in infrastructure, cost competitiveness and government driving force but inadequate technology is the biggest barrier to improvement in China＇s competitiveness. Respondents believed that in the coming 20years, China＇s economic growth will be 5.2% and US growth will be 2.4%. Around 2034, China＇s economic aggregate will equal the US level but it will take over 60 years for China to catch up with the US in terms of per capita GDP. China＇s manufacturing technology will equal the US level around 2045. More than 62% of economists believed that the Trump administration will effectively re-shore manufacturing and the average score they give to Trump＇s ＂first 100 days ＂＂ in office is 76 points. More than 61% of economists considered it unlikely that a serious trade war will break out between China and the US. They generally believed that China and the US cooperate and compete with each other and that China-US trade enjoys great potential to grow. According to the survey, respondents are more confident about China＇s debt sustainability in comparison with the US.展开更多
On 1 June 2017, the US President Donald Trump officially announced the withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, thus the study on the reasons of withdrawal, the potential impacts, and coping strategies has become a focus ...On 1 June 2017, the US President Donald Trump officially announced the withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, thus the study on the reasons of withdrawal, the potential impacts, and coping strategies has become a focus among policy circles and of the international community. Based on the self-developed US Policy Assessment Model, this paper systematically evaluates the three potential ＂major deficits＂ in terms of mitigation, climate finance, and global climate governance, as a result of the US withdrawal from the Paris Agreement and puts forward policy suggestions for coping with such transformations accordingly. The study shows that the United States ＇withdrawal from the Paris Agreement will affect the existence and implementation of successive climate policies and result in an additional 8.8-13.4% increase in the global emissions reduction deficit. The United States＇ withdrawal will also deteriorate the existing climate finance mechanism. The Green Climate Fund （GCF）＇s funding gap will increase by USS2 billion, while the gap of long-term climate finance will increase by about USS5 billion a year. Either the China-EU or the ＂BASIC plus＂ mechanism could fill the governance deficit caused by the United States and the lack of political momentum may continue for a while in the future.展开更多
The series of unilateral foreign policies taken by US President Donald Trump has worsened relations between the US and other powers including China, Russia, the EU and Japan, prompting their officials to turn to seeki...The series of unilateral foreign policies taken by US President Donald Trump has worsened relations between the US and other powers including China, Russia, the EU and Japan, prompting their officials to turn to seeking bilateral arrangements when need arises. Though among these countries there is willingness to cooperate, the US seeks to consolidate hegemony. The US focus is to contain China and sanction Russia in economic and trade fields. In geopolitics and security, the EU and Japan are heavily dependent on the US and follow the US lead.展开更多
After Democrats recaptured control of the US House at the 2018 midterms,the ramifications for American domestic and foreign policies have included increased partisan checks on President Donald Trump's proposals fo...After Democrats recaptured control of the US House at the 2018 midterms,the ramifications for American domestic and foreign policies have included increased partisan checks on President Donald Trump's proposals for immigration,energy,pollution,taxes,healthcare,and social welfare,and on the Republican Party's conservative agenda overall.After the longest government shutdown in US history over funding for a border wall to keep out illegal immigrants,Trump declared a national emergency in February 2019.Under his administration,US trade pacts with China,Mexico,Canada,Japan,the EU and other countries also face uncertainty.The Indo?Pacific Strategy and relations with Russia and Europe will remain,as is.Yet even if Sino-US trade negotiations progress,bilateral friction over high technology and cultural exchange will likely increase,and disputes over Taiwan,the South China Sea and human rights will continue.展开更多
Trump's Middle East policy could be summarized as"one axis and three approaches."The main driver is creating an alliance of Israel and Saudi Arabia, and his three approaches are to contain Iran, counter ...Trump's Middle East policy could be summarized as"one axis and three approaches."The main driver is creating an alliance of Israel and Saudi Arabia, and his three approaches are to contain Iran, counter terrorism, and launch the deal of the century. Behind this Middle East policy is Trump's acceleration of global contraction, and a return to the US pro-Israel diplomatic tradition, both influenced by Trumpian style and the Jewish people around him. Any reliance on an Israel-Saudi Arabia alliance is inherently fragile, the potential for Iran regime change unclear,and Trump's planned deal would destabilize the region and expand a US-European rift. Changing this direction would require the US to think more deeply about Middle East long-term prospects to find a more balanced policy.展开更多
In 2018, US President Donald Trump repeatedly and publicly criticized the US Federal Reserve for raising interest rates too quickly, breaking the long-established precedent for presidents to refrain from intervening i...In 2018, US President Donald Trump repeatedly and publicly criticized the US Federal Reserve for raising interest rates too quickly, breaking the long-established precedent for presidents to refrain from intervening in monetary policy and putting the independence of the Federal Reserve into question. However, this is only the latest development of a longer process: since the financial crisis, the Federal Reserve has been gradually losing its independence, in a quiet and perhaps permanent way. There are several reasons for this trend: the Federal Reserve’s performance during the financial crisis undermined its credibility, the consolidation of political factors arranged against its independence, and the consequences of the financial crisis weakened the economic foundation for its independence. Trump’s rise to power has only strengthened these factors, bringing an additional loss of independence, which will have a profound impact on the economy, society, and politics.展开更多
The US administration's foreign policy embodies the strategic framework of great power competition,the slogan of“America First,”and fragmented decision-making.An alignment of factors such as the response to chan...The US administration's foreign policy embodies the strategic framework of great power competition,the slogan of“America First,”and fragmented decision-making.An alignment of factors such as the response to changes in international and domestic environments,the reconstruction of US national identity,the electoral political pressure that Donald Trump faces,and the confluence of Trump and establishment elites creates complex outcomes.Inherently political and partisan,Trump's foreign policy may already have had some irreversible negative impacts,and it is certain that US foreign strategy and policy have entered a major directional adjustment phase.展开更多
Since 2017, US president Donald Trump has adopted a series of tough policies aimed at overturning Obama' s legacy of diplomacy toward Cuba. In order to ensure the stability of the political transition and economic...Since 2017, US president Donald Trump has adopted a series of tough policies aimed at overturning Obama' s legacy of diplomacy toward Cuba. In order to ensure the stability of the political transition and economic development, the Cuban government has adopted a urational and prudent” struggle strategy vis-a-vis the United States, and this has meant that relations have not completely broken down. However, stagnation in the normalization process ofUS-Cuba relations has produced some negative effects, and these have led not only to an impact on the Cuban economy, but also to adverse effects on the United States in many areas. Nevertheless, US-Cuba relations in the Trump era will remain at rock bottom, and Cuba will continue to face significant pressure for survival.展开更多
基金National Counsel of Technological and Scientific Development and Coordination for Enhancement of Higher Education Personnel for fellowship support
文摘The search for cancer biomarkers is frequently based on comparisons between tumors and adjacent-to-tumor samples. However, even after histological confirmation of been free of cancer cells, these adjacent-to-tumor samples might harbor molecular alterations which are not sufficient to cause them to look like cancer, but can differentiate these cells from normal cells. When comparing them, potential biomarkers are missed, and mainly the opportunity of finding initial aberrations presents in both tumors and adjacent samples, but not in true normal samples from non-cancer patients, resulting in misinterpretations about the carcinogenic process. Nevertheless, collecting adjacent-to-tumor samples brings trumps to be explored. The addition of samples from non-cancer patients opens an opportunity to increase the finds of the molecular cascade of events in the carcinogenic process. Differences between normal samples and adjacent samples might represent the first steps of the carcinogenic process. Adding samples of non-cancer patients to the analysis of molecular alterations relevant to the carcinogenic process opens a new window of opporttmides to the discovery of cancer biomarkers and molecular targets.
文摘During Donald Trump’s first term,the“Trump Shock”brought world politics into an era of uncertainties and pulled the transatlantic alliance down to its lowest point in history.The Trump 2.0 tsunami brewed by the 2024 presidential election of the United States has plunged the U.S.-Europe relations into more gloomy waters,ushering in a more complex and turbulent period of adjustment.
文摘While the 47^(th) U.S.president has declared a trade war on all nations,China has the strength to get ahead despite the complex rivalry.“History doesn’t repeat itself,but it often rhymes.”This saying by celebrated American writer Mark Twain,a contemporary of the American Civil War(1861-1865)and the Crimean War(1853-1856),resonates uncannily once again as Donald Trump takes charge in the United States.
文摘BRICS and Global South must unite against unilateralism and coercion In the face of US President Donald Trump’s aggressive tariff policies and coercive tactics,the Global South is increasingly choosing resistance over submission.
文摘ASEAN’s major power balancing strategy refers to the balancing strategy adopted by ASEAN and its member states to seek national and regional security and development by maintaining multi-faceted friendship and impartiality with surrounding major powers.The evolution of this strategy is a process of dynamic adjustment,with ASEAN and its members being the implementing subjects,major powers the objects.
文摘During his second White House term,Trump’s governing style remains characteristically assertive,launching a full-scale offensive from day one.Domestically,he’s pushing for sweeping government reforms.
文摘Since the end of the Cold War,the core goal of U.S.policy toward Africa has been to build its influence on the continent through development assistance and trade preferences attached with political conditionalities,defined as“assistance for concessions”.After the September 11 attacks,counterterrorism became a priority in U.S.national security strategy,being one of the three pillars of U.S.policy toward Africa alongside assistance and trade.
文摘The Asia-Pacific region is the most dynamic part of the global economy.After over 50 years of continuously expanding trade,investment and industrial cooperation,the region has formed a highly-tied multi-level labor division system covering vertical integration and horizontal complementarity of industrial chains.From the V-shaped development model in the twentieth century to the East Asian production network in the twenty-first century,the intra-industry and intra-product division of labor in the Asia-Pacific region has been ever deepening.However,due to the region’s high dependence on the U.S.market,the division of labor model in the Asia-Pacific suffers structural problems and is relatively fragile.Under the shock of Trump 1.0,countries in the Asia-Pacific region were forced to make adaptive adjustments,causing short-term turmoil in the regional economic order.Trump’s strong return in 2025,driven by the“America First”principle,brought forth a series of policies with strong unilateralism,isolationism and protectionism tendencies within just a few months。
文摘The 2024 election is a pivotal and highly contested event in the United States.Donald Trump is expected to compete against Joe Biden without any doubts.A potential return of Trump to the White House would likely cause significant reactions in East Asia,particularly among the three major countries in the region.This analysis will explore the detailed implications of Trump’s return.
文摘China Economist has continuously carried out surveys among economists and this round of survey focuses on comparison and interactions between China＇s and the United States＇ economies. The result of the survey shows that economists are generally optimistic about the outlook of both countries＇economies. Respondents believed that great differences exist in the components of industrial competitiveness of China and the US; while the US leads in terms of talent, creativity, social system, industrial system integrity and financing, cost is the biggest barrier to improvement in US competitiveness. In comparison, China leads in infrastructure, cost competitiveness and government driving force but inadequate technology is the biggest barrier to improvement in China＇s competitiveness. Respondents believed that in the coming 20years, China＇s economic growth will be 5.2% and US growth will be 2.4%. Around 2034, China＇s economic aggregate will equal the US level but it will take over 60 years for China to catch up with the US in terms of per capita GDP. China＇s manufacturing technology will equal the US level around 2045. More than 62% of economists believed that the Trump administration will effectively re-shore manufacturing and the average score they give to Trump＇s ＂first 100 days ＂＂ in office is 76 points. More than 61% of economists considered it unlikely that a serious trade war will break out between China and the US. They generally believed that China and the US cooperate and compete with each other and that China-US trade enjoys great potential to grow. According to the survey, respondents are more confident about China＇s debt sustainability in comparison with the US.
基金supported by following projects:China Clean Development Mechanism Fund Project"Equity and Ambition Assessment on Major Parties NDCs under the2015 Agreement"(grant no.:2014094)"China-US Pragmatic Cooperative Technical Support Project for Climate Change"(grant no.:2013019)+2 种基金Ministry of Science and Technology Reform Specific Research and Development Project"Research on Major Urgent Issues on Climate Change after Paris Agreement,""Research on INDC and Influence and Counterplan of the Global Stocktake Mechanism"National Natural Science Foundation2017 emergency management project"the impact of the United States'withdrawal from the Paris Agreement on global climate governance and China's response strategy"
文摘On 1 June 2017, the US President Donald Trump officially announced the withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, thus the study on the reasons of withdrawal, the potential impacts, and coping strategies has become a focus among policy circles and of the international community. Based on the self-developed US Policy Assessment Model, this paper systematically evaluates the three potential ＂major deficits＂ in terms of mitigation, climate finance, and global climate governance, as a result of the US withdrawal from the Paris Agreement and puts forward policy suggestions for coping with such transformations accordingly. The study shows that the United States ＇withdrawal from the Paris Agreement will affect the existence and implementation of successive climate policies and result in an additional 8.8-13.4% increase in the global emissions reduction deficit. The United States＇ withdrawal will also deteriorate the existing climate finance mechanism. The Green Climate Fund （GCF）＇s funding gap will increase by USS2 billion, while the gap of long-term climate finance will increase by about USS5 billion a year. Either the China-EU or the ＂BASIC plus＂ mechanism could fill the governance deficit caused by the United States and the lack of political momentum may continue for a while in the future.
文摘The series of unilateral foreign policies taken by US President Donald Trump has worsened relations between the US and other powers including China, Russia, the EU and Japan, prompting their officials to turn to seeking bilateral arrangements when need arises. Though among these countries there is willingness to cooperate, the US seeks to consolidate hegemony. The US focus is to contain China and sanction Russia in economic and trade fields. In geopolitics and security, the EU and Japan are heavily dependent on the US and follow the US lead.
文摘After Democrats recaptured control of the US House at the 2018 midterms,the ramifications for American domestic and foreign policies have included increased partisan checks on President Donald Trump's proposals for immigration,energy,pollution,taxes,healthcare,and social welfare,and on the Republican Party's conservative agenda overall.After the longest government shutdown in US history over funding for a border wall to keep out illegal immigrants,Trump declared a national emergency in February 2019.Under his administration,US trade pacts with China,Mexico,Canada,Japan,the EU and other countries also face uncertainty.The Indo?Pacific Strategy and relations with Russia and Europe will remain,as is.Yet even if Sino-US trade negotiations progress,bilateral friction over high technology and cultural exchange will likely increase,and disputes over Taiwan,the South China Sea and human rights will continue.
文摘Trump's Middle East policy could be summarized as"one axis and three approaches."The main driver is creating an alliance of Israel and Saudi Arabia, and his three approaches are to contain Iran, counter terrorism, and launch the deal of the century. Behind this Middle East policy is Trump's acceleration of global contraction, and a return to the US pro-Israel diplomatic tradition, both influenced by Trumpian style and the Jewish people around him. Any reliance on an Israel-Saudi Arabia alliance is inherently fragile, the potential for Iran regime change unclear,and Trump's planned deal would destabilize the region and expand a US-European rift. Changing this direction would require the US to think more deeply about Middle East long-term prospects to find a more balanced policy.
文摘In 2018, US President Donald Trump repeatedly and publicly criticized the US Federal Reserve for raising interest rates too quickly, breaking the long-established precedent for presidents to refrain from intervening in monetary policy and putting the independence of the Federal Reserve into question. However, this is only the latest development of a longer process: since the financial crisis, the Federal Reserve has been gradually losing its independence, in a quiet and perhaps permanent way. There are several reasons for this trend: the Federal Reserve’s performance during the financial crisis undermined its credibility, the consolidation of political factors arranged against its independence, and the consequences of the financial crisis weakened the economic foundation for its independence. Trump’s rise to power has only strengthened these factors, bringing an additional loss of independence, which will have a profound impact on the economy, society, and politics.
文摘The US administration's foreign policy embodies the strategic framework of great power competition,the slogan of“America First,”and fragmented decision-making.An alignment of factors such as the response to changes in international and domestic environments,the reconstruction of US national identity,the electoral political pressure that Donald Trump faces,and the confluence of Trump and establishment elites creates complex outcomes.Inherently political and partisan,Trump's foreign policy may already have had some irreversible negative impacts,and it is certain that US foreign strategy and policy have entered a major directional adjustment phase.
文摘Since 2017, US president Donald Trump has adopted a series of tough policies aimed at overturning Obama' s legacy of diplomacy toward Cuba. In order to ensure the stability of the political transition and economic development, the Cuban government has adopted a urational and prudent” struggle strategy vis-a-vis the United States, and this has meant that relations have not completely broken down. However, stagnation in the normalization process ofUS-Cuba relations has produced some negative effects, and these have led not only to an impact on the Cuban economy, but also to adverse effects on the United States in many areas. Nevertheless, US-Cuba relations in the Trump era will remain at rock bottom, and Cuba will continue to face significant pressure for survival.
