Background: Large numbers of Forcibly Displaced Myanmar Nationals (FDMN), also called the Rohingya community, in Bangladesh face chronic life-threatening illnesses. Symptoms concerning for a cancer diagnosis are not e...Background: Large numbers of Forcibly Displaced Myanmar Nationals (FDMN), also called the Rohingya community, in Bangladesh face chronic life-threatening illnesses. Symptoms concerning for a cancer diagnosis are not easily evaluated and treated by healthcare systems available to this population. We conducted a rapid needs assessment of cancer screening and pain and palliative care with the goal of identifying the prevalence of cancer risk factors among the Rohingya who attended local health facilities. Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted in the Kutupalong camp of Ukhiya, Cox’s Bazar among the Rohingya community. Data were?collected through purposive sampling. Face-to-face interviews were done using a structured questionnaire. Statistics were analyzed by using IBM SPSS 23.?Results: Out of 85 participants, 75 were female and 10 were male. 70 (82.4%) were uneducated (defined as lacking any formal institutional education), 10 (11.8%) people completed the primary level education and only 5 (5.9%) people received secondary level education. There were many participants with pulmonary disease with 35 (41.2%) people endorsing a history of asthma, bronchitis, and/or tuberculosis. There was a lack of female menstrual sanitation and hygiene with only 25 (29.4%) patients using sanitary napkins, that were donated by Non Government Organizations. Only 5.9% of the women had received any form of cervical cancer screening.?Conclusion: This study identifies risk factors associated with cancers and life-limiting diseases among the FDMN Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. It is necessary to develop targeted education, cancer screening and cancer awareness programs for this population.展开更多
This paper explored the norms and mechanisms of access to justice regarding intimate partner violence(IPV),the constraints that affect refugee women when seeking measures against IPV,and the experiences and views of j...This paper explored the norms and mechanisms of access to justice regarding intimate partner violence(IPV),the constraints that affect refugee women when seeking measures against IPV,and the experiences and views of justice providers in giving access to justice to IPV victims in a customary court.This is a qualitative study where purposive sampling was applied.Five,eight,and four in-depth interviews with IPV victims,justice makers from BMC/CMC,and other concerning organizations were conducted,respectively.Moreover,two key-informant interviews were also conducted.Data were analyzed utilizing thematic analysis.The findings revealed that the multi-sectoral approach is the framework in responding to IPV cases followed by each actor,including the BMC and CMC,who are protecting the rights of IPV victims.However,this community-based committee is the first spot to mitigate IPV cases,and the trial procedures are not consistent with national laws and international human rights standards;the committee uses their life experiences,religious norms,and socio-cultural values.IPV victims and the customary court experience obstacles in case reporting,trial processing,and denial of legal justice.Moreover,the committee is more active in keeping the family and societal harmony rather than in protecting the individual(women).United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees(UNHCR)should accelerate efforts to protect,respect,and fulfill the needs of IPV victims in all sectors.Training on human rights and gender,the determination of the rules and regulations of the customary court to protect IPV victims,the development of appropriate sanctions for perpetrators,and the remedies for victims are suggestions from the research to get justice for the IPV victims.展开更多
Migration is contentious. Regardless if the migrants are Rohingya refugees fleeing horrific persecution, or if themigrants are household and construction workers filling labor gaps, we are at a moment in time when cou...Migration is contentious. Regardless if the migrants are Rohingya refugees fleeing horrific persecution, or if themigrants are household and construction workers filling labor gaps, we are at a moment in time when countriesview migration as undesirable and in need of regulation and limits. Southeast Asia has seen significant flows ofmigrants before. In some instances, it has been a peaceful process, but currently, it is a source of considerabletension and conflict. During colonial rule, workers from China and India were embedded into the political economyof subjected territories. During the VietnamWar, refugees from Vietnam and Cambodia were (reluctantly) acceptedby neighboring countries and later immigrated to the US. Why do we see variation in responses to migration? Thispaper looks at two possible answers: First, the politicization of race, ethnicity, religion, and identity has madeimmigration more problematic for both receiving and sending countries. Second, we see dramatic shifts in attitudesand interests about immigration from great powers. In the 1970s, Southeast Asian countries accepted refugees fromVietnam and Cambodia because the US promised that these refugees would be resettled outside Southeast Asia inthe US and her allies. As Rohingya flee ethnic cleansing in Myanmar, no such promise of resettlement has beenforthcoming from wealthy countries. So, neighboring countries have little willingness to help the Rohingya on theirown. Hegemonic stability theory posits that a hegemon can foster and promote cooperation on a wide variety ofinternational problems, when a hegemon refuses to behave in this way;we are less likely to see cooperation onproblems like migration. This paper will explore both the domestic politicization of immigration and at globaldemonization of migration, which affects conditions in Southeast Asia.展开更多
The very name Myanmar brings to mind a precarious picture of human insecurity.It is the land where the world’s most persecuted minorities still struggle to survive;and,it is the theatre where the longest-ever civil w...The very name Myanmar brings to mind a precarious picture of human insecurity.It is the land where the world’s most persecuted minorities still struggle to survive;and,it is the theatre where the longest-ever civil war in the world has been staged since 1948.Murder of people,rape,violence,and,censorship of the press,etc.,are common scenes in the country.A Nobel laureate(for peace in 1991)Mrs.Aung San Suu Kyi who brought hopes to Myanmar assuring resolution of all such issues through democracy,could not do something substantial,and she is now languishing in detention.Despite international pressure and sanctions,the Military Junta(called Tatmadaw)is still in the seat of power at Nay Pyi Daw dislodging a democratically elected government led by Mrs.Kyi that won the elections held in November last year by staging a coup d’état in February 2021.However,literature in this regard(i.e.human security)is scantily comprehensive and scarcely suggestive of recourses to be taken.Against this background,this paper looks into these developments and suggests the way forward to secure the security for the insecure.This paper argues that Militarism and Majoritarian Nationalism are responsible for this state of affairs in Myanmar.展开更多
文摘Background: Large numbers of Forcibly Displaced Myanmar Nationals (FDMN), also called the Rohingya community, in Bangladesh face chronic life-threatening illnesses. Symptoms concerning for a cancer diagnosis are not easily evaluated and treated by healthcare systems available to this population. We conducted a rapid needs assessment of cancer screening and pain and palliative care with the goal of identifying the prevalence of cancer risk factors among the Rohingya who attended local health facilities. Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted in the Kutupalong camp of Ukhiya, Cox’s Bazar among the Rohingya community. Data were?collected through purposive sampling. Face-to-face interviews were done using a structured questionnaire. Statistics were analyzed by using IBM SPSS 23.?Results: Out of 85 participants, 75 were female and 10 were male. 70 (82.4%) were uneducated (defined as lacking any formal institutional education), 10 (11.8%) people completed the primary level education and only 5 (5.9%) people received secondary level education. There were many participants with pulmonary disease with 35 (41.2%) people endorsing a history of asthma, bronchitis, and/or tuberculosis. There was a lack of female menstrual sanitation and hygiene with only 25 (29.4%) patients using sanitary napkins, that were donated by Non Government Organizations. Only 5.9% of the women had received any form of cervical cancer screening.?Conclusion: This study identifies risk factors associated with cancers and life-limiting diseases among the FDMN Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. It is necessary to develop targeted education, cancer screening and cancer awareness programs for this population.
文摘This paper explored the norms and mechanisms of access to justice regarding intimate partner violence(IPV),the constraints that affect refugee women when seeking measures against IPV,and the experiences and views of justice providers in giving access to justice to IPV victims in a customary court.This is a qualitative study where purposive sampling was applied.Five,eight,and four in-depth interviews with IPV victims,justice makers from BMC/CMC,and other concerning organizations were conducted,respectively.Moreover,two key-informant interviews were also conducted.Data were analyzed utilizing thematic analysis.The findings revealed that the multi-sectoral approach is the framework in responding to IPV cases followed by each actor,including the BMC and CMC,who are protecting the rights of IPV victims.However,this community-based committee is the first spot to mitigate IPV cases,and the trial procedures are not consistent with national laws and international human rights standards;the committee uses their life experiences,religious norms,and socio-cultural values.IPV victims and the customary court experience obstacles in case reporting,trial processing,and denial of legal justice.Moreover,the committee is more active in keeping the family and societal harmony rather than in protecting the individual(women).United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees(UNHCR)should accelerate efforts to protect,respect,and fulfill the needs of IPV victims in all sectors.Training on human rights and gender,the determination of the rules and regulations of the customary court to protect IPV victims,the development of appropriate sanctions for perpetrators,and the remedies for victims are suggestions from the research to get justice for the IPV victims.
文摘Migration is contentious. Regardless if the migrants are Rohingya refugees fleeing horrific persecution, or if themigrants are household and construction workers filling labor gaps, we are at a moment in time when countriesview migration as undesirable and in need of regulation and limits. Southeast Asia has seen significant flows ofmigrants before. In some instances, it has been a peaceful process, but currently, it is a source of considerabletension and conflict. During colonial rule, workers from China and India were embedded into the political economyof subjected territories. During the VietnamWar, refugees from Vietnam and Cambodia were (reluctantly) acceptedby neighboring countries and later immigrated to the US. Why do we see variation in responses to migration? Thispaper looks at two possible answers: First, the politicization of race, ethnicity, religion, and identity has madeimmigration more problematic for both receiving and sending countries. Second, we see dramatic shifts in attitudesand interests about immigration from great powers. In the 1970s, Southeast Asian countries accepted refugees fromVietnam and Cambodia because the US promised that these refugees would be resettled outside Southeast Asia inthe US and her allies. As Rohingya flee ethnic cleansing in Myanmar, no such promise of resettlement has beenforthcoming from wealthy countries. So, neighboring countries have little willingness to help the Rohingya on theirown. Hegemonic stability theory posits that a hegemon can foster and promote cooperation on a wide variety ofinternational problems, when a hegemon refuses to behave in this way;we are less likely to see cooperation onproblems like migration. This paper will explore both the domestic politicization of immigration and at globaldemonization of migration, which affects conditions in Southeast Asia.
文摘The very name Myanmar brings to mind a precarious picture of human insecurity.It is the land where the world’s most persecuted minorities still struggle to survive;and,it is the theatre where the longest-ever civil war in the world has been staged since 1948.Murder of people,rape,violence,and,censorship of the press,etc.,are common scenes in the country.A Nobel laureate(for peace in 1991)Mrs.Aung San Suu Kyi who brought hopes to Myanmar assuring resolution of all such issues through democracy,could not do something substantial,and she is now languishing in detention.Despite international pressure and sanctions,the Military Junta(called Tatmadaw)is still in the seat of power at Nay Pyi Daw dislodging a democratically elected government led by Mrs.Kyi that won the elections held in November last year by staging a coup d’état in February 2021.However,literature in this regard(i.e.human security)is scantily comprehensive and scarcely suggestive of recourses to be taken.Against this background,this paper looks into these developments and suggests the way forward to secure the security for the insecure.This paper argues that Militarism and Majoritarian Nationalism are responsible for this state of affairs in Myanmar.
