Joshua Cohen has recently remodelled Rawls＇ account of public reason into an explicitly global enterprise designed to both engage and regulate human rights discourses. Cohen＇s model is interesting because of the man...Joshua Cohen has recently remodelled Rawls＇ account of public reason into an explicitly global enterprise designed to both engage and regulate human rights discourses. Cohen＇s model is interesting because of the manners in which Cohen attempts to answer the questions the model begs： how can individuals with fundamentally incommensurable world views actually engage in common acts of practical reason with each other about issues like human rights？ What common convictions or a common social imaginary must these individuals share？ I argue that articulating potential common grounds on which acts of global public reasoning can transpire involves engaging with rather than seeking to reason autonomously from （or transcend） the material, social, and cultural forces--most importantly the tradition of liberal secularism which Cohen＇s model takes its normative bearings from--that make such discourses what they are. Doing so enhances the ability of a liberal secular human rights proponent to elucidate meaningful sites of common ground with others. Such common ground emerges not simply through toleration but also through critically engaging the worldviews of other globally public reasoners.展开更多
Citizens of liberal democracies hold that their theory of governance is the most just, the most consistent with freedom, and the most likely to promote human flourishing. Yet, Canada, one of the world＇s most liberal ...Citizens of liberal democracies hold that their theory of governance is the most just, the most consistent with freedom, and the most likely to promote human flourishing. Yet, Canada, one of the world＇s most liberal and progressive democracies, has consistently been unable to come to terms with the minority nations in its midst. Why would national minorities resist joining fully in a just liberal democratic state？ And in the face of this refusal, what sort of relationship should the majority establish with these national minorities？ I argue that their resistance stems from an axiom of mainstream liberalism, ＂the civic unity assumption,＂ which holds that, ideally, all citizens endorse a single, unified state. While seemingly innocuous, this assumption extinguishes First Nations and Qurbrcois＇ claims to sovereignty. I conclude that this assumption--that majority and minority nationals must all work within the boundaries of a single constitutional structure--is ultimately an assimilative one, demanding that minority nationals merge their political community into the civic project of the majority. Drawing from John Rawls＇ The Law of Peoples, I argue that minority nations are best characterized as ＂peoples＂--complete societies with their own unique moral, cultural, and political traditions. If we accept this claim, we will come to see the multinational state differently： not as a political project uniting all citizens, but as a pact between nations; equal sovereign peoples coming together in a spirit of reciprocity to work out fair terms of social and political cooperation.展开更多
Commitment to deliberative democracy as a tool for social and political ordering is shared by political philosophers from many traditions. This paper examines John Rawls and Iris Marion Young＇s respective commitments...Commitment to deliberative democracy as a tool for social and political ordering is shared by political philosophers from many traditions. This paper examines John Rawls and Iris Marion Young＇s respective commitments to deliberative democracy in hopes of finding a methodological proposal for peace between followers of Rawls, the greatest liberal political philosopher of the 20th century, and Young, the late anti-liberal and anti-oppression theorist. While there are important differences between their respective positions, this paper posits that deliberative democracy can appease adherents of both thinkers, providing a shared method for determining conflicts between them. Liberal democracy is preferable, partly since it creates a place for anti-liberal positions （viz., Young＇s position can exist within the larger Rawlsian framework）, but deliberative democracy can succeed even if one is not a liberal democrat.展开更多
For this research work, an adequate methodology was sought for the calculation of the runoff coefficient with the Tirado arrangement. To achieve this, first, the variables that affect the runoff coefficient were ident...For this research work, an adequate methodology was sought for the calculation of the runoff coefficient with the Tirado arrangement. To achieve this, first, the variables that affect the runoff coefficient were identified, then the model was described with the Tirado arrangement, and as a third part for the calculation of the runoff coefficient, the Tirado model is proposed. From the theory for the calculation of the runoff coefficient, the equation of the weighted coefficients and the expression of Nadal were manipulated, resulting in the following relationship , considering this as the expression for the arrangement Tirado. The expression is tested with different intensities, the magnitudes correspond to 150, 200, 250 and 300 mm/hrs, resulting in runoff coefficient 0.82, 0.87, 0.89, 0.91 respectively. This means that, the higher the intensity, the runoff coefficient will be higher, logically the characteristics of the basin affect that this coefficient has variation in the space studied.展开更多
A new kinetic spectrophotometric method has been developed for the determination of iron （Ⅲ）. The method is based on the catalytic effect of iron （Ⅲ） on the oxidation of weak acid brilliant blue dye （RAWL） by ...A new kinetic spectrophotometric method has been developed for the determination of iron （Ⅲ）. The method is based on the catalytic effect of iron （Ⅲ） on the oxidation of weak acid brilliant blue dye （RAWL） by KIO4 in acid medium. The advantages of the proposed method are that it is sensitive, accurate, rapid, inexpensive, can be operated under room temperature and has a large determination concentration range compared to other techniques. The obtained optimum conditions are： pH 3.15, RAWL （200 mgL^-1） 5.00mL, Potassium periodate solution （0.01 molL^-1） 0.30mL, phenanthroline （0.02 molL^-1） 1.00mL, reaction temperature 25℃ and reaction time 7 min. With this method iron could quantitively be determined in the range 0.00-0.02 mgL^-1, the detection limit being 4.10 × 10^10gmL^-1. The relative standard deviations （RSD） in five replicate determinations for 3 μgL^-1and 5 μgL^-1 iron （Ⅲ） are 3.1% and 1.9%, respectively. The method has been applied to the determination of iron （Ⅲ） in tap water samples and seawater samples （from the South China Sea）, the recovery rates being 98.0% and 100.5%, respectively.展开更多
A new kinetic-spectrophotometric method is proposed for the determination of copper (Ⅱ). The method is based on the catalytic effect of copper (Ⅱ) on the oxidation of weak acid brilliant blue dye (RAWL) by hydrogen ...A new kinetic-spectrophotometric method is proposed for the determination of copper (Ⅱ). The method is based on the catalytic effect of copper (Ⅱ) on the oxidation of weak acid brilliant blue dye (RAWL) by hydrogen peroxide. The copper (Ⅱ) can be determined spectrophotometrically by measuring the decrease of absorbance of RAWL at λ = 626 nm using the fix-time method. The optimum reaction conditions are as follows: pH 7.20, buffer solution NaOH-KH2PO4, RAWL (200 mg L-1) 5.00 mL, H2O2 (30%) 0.50 mL, reaction temperature 80℃ and reaction time 20 min. The linear range of this method is between 0 μg L-1 and 12 μg L-1 and the limit of detection is 0.011 μg L-1, the relative standard deviation (RSD) in five replicate determinations for 2 and 8 μg L-1 copper (Ⅱ) are 3.2% and 2.3%, respectively. Twenty ions do not interfere in the determination of copper (Ⅱ). The method has been applied satisfactorily to the determination of copper (Ⅱ) in freshwater samples (tap water and Yellow River water from Lijin, Shandong, China) and seawater samples (from the South China Sea), the recovery rates are 98.0%, 102.5% and 96.0%, respectively.展开更多
A new kinetic spectrophotometric method is developed for the measurement of manganese(Ⅱ) in water. The method is based on the catalytic effect of manganese(Ⅱ) with the oxidation of weak acid brilliant blue dye(RAWL)...A new kinetic spectrophotometric method is developed for the measurement of manganese(Ⅱ) in water. The method is based on the catalytic effect of manganese(Ⅱ) with the oxidation of weak acid brilliant blue dye(RAWL) by KIO4 using the Nitrilo triacetic acid(NTA) as an activation reagent. The optimum conditions obtained are 40 mgL-1 RAWL,1×10-4molL-1 KIO4,2×10-4 molL-1 Nitrilo triacetic acid(NTA),pH = 5.8,the reaction time of 3.00 min and the temperature of 20.0 ℃. Under the optimum conditions,the proposed method allows the measurement of manganese(Ⅱ) in a range of 0-50.0 ng mL-1 and with a detection limit of down to 0.158 ng mL-1. The recovery efficiency in measuring the standard manganese(Ⅱ) solution is in a range of 98.5%-102%,and the RSD is in a range of 0.76%-1.25%. The new method has been successfully applied to the measurement of manganese(Ⅱ) in both fresh water and seawater samples with satisfying results. Moreover,few cations and anions interfere with the measurement of manganese(Ⅱ). Compared with other kinetic catalytic methods and instrumental methods,the proposed method shows fairly good selectivity and sensitivity,low cost,cheapness,low detection limit and rapidity. It can be applied on boats easily.展开更多
A new kinetic spectrophotometric method has been developed for the determination of trace Ni （Ⅱ in natural water. The method is based on the catalytic effect of Ni （Ⅱ） on the oxidation of weak acid brilliant blue...A new kinetic spectrophotometric method has been developed for the determination of trace Ni （Ⅱ in natural water. The method is based on the catalytic effect of Ni （Ⅱ） on the oxidation of weak acid brilliant blue dye （RAWL） by KIO4 in acid medium. The concentration of nickel （Ⅱ） can be determined spectrophotometrically by measuring the decrease of absorbance of RAWL at λ = 626 nm using the fix-time method. The influencing factors are investigated by the orthogonal experimental design. The obtained optimum analytical conditions are： pH = 2.00, CRAWL = 5.00×10^-5 mol·L^-1, c KlO4 = 2.00× 10^-5 mol·L^-1, the reaction time t= 10min and the temperature T = 25 ℃. Under the optimum conditions, the developed method allows the measurement of Ni （Ⅱ） in a range of 0 - 40.0ngmL1. The standard deviation of eleven independent measurements of blank reaction is S = 3.08× 10^-3 and the limit of detection is 2.20ng·mL^-1. The relative standard deviations （RSDs） in six replicate determinations of 5 ngmL-1 and 8 ngmL1 Ni （Ⅱ） are 2.87% and 1.11%, respectively. Moreover, the experiments show few cations and anions can interfere with the measurement of Ni （Ⅱ）. The recovery efficiencies of this method are in a range of 97.0%-102.5% in freshwater samples. But there is a decreasing effect, which is about 0.2 times the added Ni （Ⅱ） in seawater medium. After reasonable calibration this processing method is used for the determination of Ni （Ⅱ） in seawater samples successfully. The results show this developed method has high accuracy and precision, high sensitivity, large range of linearity and high speed. The method can, therefore, be employed at room temperature.展开更多
In this paper,I examine Sandel’s recent criticism of meritocracy.I argue that even though Sandel appeals to the rhetoric of luck in his criticism,unlike Rawls,his fundamental political aspiration is a kind of communi...In this paper,I examine Sandel’s recent criticism of meritocracy.I argue that even though Sandel appeals to the rhetoric of luck in his criticism,unlike Rawls,his fundamental political aspiration is a kind of communitarian republicanism rather than liberal egalitarianism.However,Sandel’s suggestion of lottery elements in college admission does not help much in reducing inequality and political polarization.After comparing Mulligan’s meritocratic thesis,I argue that the problems of inequality and polarization in the U.S.are not caused by meritocracy;rather it is due to a lack of substantive equal opportunity.And I would argue that as long as substantive equal educational opportunities are guaranteed,there is no reason to reject meritocracy.And by taking reference from the experience of Hong Kong’s educational reform,I further argue that one important way to achieve equal educational opportunities is through leveling-up educational policies,such as providing competitive publicly-funded education,which not only provides equal opportunity to everyone to develop their capabilities regardless of their different family backgrounds,but also establishes citizens’participatory readiness,so that they can effectively participate in creating and sustaining communitarian meritocracy.展开更多
In the Laws （which Plato calls his ＂second-best society＂） Plato asserts that the best attainable form of society will combine the better features of autocracy and democracy. The democracy will be one where aidos ...In the Laws （which Plato calls his ＂second-best society＂） Plato asserts that the best attainable form of society will combine the better features of autocracy and democracy. The democracy will be one where aidos （＂respect＂） will be a prominent feature, as will be the rule of laws underpinned by the belief that God, not man, is the measure of all things. Unlike in the Republic, the accumulation of wealth and property will be the right of all citizens, including rulers. But it will operate under strict limits： a maximum of four quanta of property will be allowed by any citizen, while a minimum of one （which will provide a good life though perhaps not a rich one） will be guaranteed. The affinity of such a view with that of John Rawls is striking. The article ends with a brief interview between the reader and Plato, in which some of the above issues are discussed.展开更多
Modem moral and political theorists make a sharp separation between justice and civic friendship, arguing that justice deals with the fair terms of co-operation in the social sphere whereas civic friendship is about a...Modem moral and political theorists make a sharp separation between justice and civic friendship, arguing that justice deals with the fair terms of co-operation in the social sphere whereas civic friendship is about an individual＇s contingent affections in the political domain. In addition, they also argue that the principles of justice must determine the nature and function of civic friendship in modem liberal society. Even though the historical origin of the above view can be traced to the writings of Immanuel Kant （2007）, John Rawls provides us with its most cogent formulation in recent times. In his book A Theory of Justice （1971）, Rawls argues that the considerations of right are prior to the considerations of good; therefore the principles of justice must determine the limits of civic friendship. Against RaMs, I argue that justice and civic friendship are intrinsically connected and that they cannot be separated in experience. I draw upon Aristotle＇s theory of virtue to strengthen my arguments. Following Aristotle, I show that both justice and friendship are virtues and that all virtues hold together. The Aristotelian coherence of virtues, I argue, can be useful in redefining the obligations of justice and civic friendship in contemporary liberal democracies.展开更多
While being generally appreciative of John Rawls' theory of justice,this paper aims to describe and compare the two metrics of justice—primary goods and capability,and through critiques and responses between Amar...While being generally appreciative of John Rawls' theory of justice,this paper aims to describe and compare the two metrics of justice—primary goods and capability,and through critiques and responses between Amartya Sen and John Rawls,I argue that the capability metric is a better project than the social primary goods metric insofar as it can provide a more practical path for rethinking the concept of social justice,as well as a better approach in resolving fundamental social justice issues in China.展开更多
Contemporary proponents of Confucian political philosophy often ignore the fact that any sizeable future Confucian political order will have to accommodate many “non-Confucians.” The guiding question of this paper i...Contemporary proponents of Confucian political philosophy often ignore the fact that any sizeable future Confucian political order will have to accommodate many “non-Confucians.” The guiding question of this paper is therefore the following: how could a Confucian political philosophy, if it can at all, adequately take into account a plurality of comprehensive worldviews? I first turn to John Rawls and his account of these terms and of reasonable pluralism more generally. I then examine some particularly relevant developments and criticism of Rawls’ account. Finally, I offer a discussion of some recent proposals for a Confucian political philosophy, and examine to what extent each recognizes the fact of pluralism, sees it as a challenge, and deals with it in a persuasive manner. The paper concludes with a depiction of two major stumbling blocks that might stand firmly in the way of such a pluralism-accommodating political Confucianism.展开更多
Diversity or pluralism in values has been widely recognized as a major feature of our times both intemationally and domestically, and China is no exception, where this phenomenon is regarded as a major reason for the ...Diversity or pluralism in values has been widely recognized as a major feature of our times both intemationally and domestically, and China is no exception, where this phenomenon is regarded as a major reason for the country＇s efforts to pursue the goal of a “harmonious society” at home and the goal of a “harmonious world” abroad. Against this background, many people show great interest in the idea of “overlapping consensus” proposed by John gawls. On the basis of a careful reading of different interpretations of this idea, or the “overlapping consensus” on the idea of“ overlapping consensus,” we can say that there are three levels of “overlapping consensus. ”At the first level, people with different positions treat each other with the same reasonable attitude. At the second level, people holding different values support the same norms on the basis of their respective values or by taking each other＇s perspectives into the moral discourse. At the third level, people who currently hold different “moral sources”of the shared norms are nonetheless ready to engage in a common leaming process that aims for a “fusion of horizons＂”in the future. Overlapping consensuses at all these levels should not only be discussed in political philosophy, or discovered in political culture, but also constructed in political practice. This means that we should try our best to provide actual conditions for overlapping consensuses in social and institutional reality, and at the same time avoid reducing the validity of any type of overlapping consensus to its facticity.展开更多
文摘Joshua Cohen has recently remodelled Rawls＇ account of public reason into an explicitly global enterprise designed to both engage and regulate human rights discourses. Cohen＇s model is interesting because of the manners in which Cohen attempts to answer the questions the model begs： how can individuals with fundamentally incommensurable world views actually engage in common acts of practical reason with each other about issues like human rights？ What common convictions or a common social imaginary must these individuals share？ I argue that articulating potential common grounds on which acts of global public reasoning can transpire involves engaging with rather than seeking to reason autonomously from （or transcend） the material, social, and cultural forces--most importantly the tradition of liberal secularism which Cohen＇s model takes its normative bearings from--that make such discourses what they are. Doing so enhances the ability of a liberal secular human rights proponent to elucidate meaningful sites of common ground with others. Such common ground emerges not simply through toleration but also through critically engaging the worldviews of other globally public reasoners.
文摘Citizens of liberal democracies hold that their theory of governance is the most just, the most consistent with freedom, and the most likely to promote human flourishing. Yet, Canada, one of the world＇s most liberal and progressive democracies, has consistently been unable to come to terms with the minority nations in its midst. Why would national minorities resist joining fully in a just liberal democratic state？ And in the face of this refusal, what sort of relationship should the majority establish with these national minorities？ I argue that their resistance stems from an axiom of mainstream liberalism, ＂the civic unity assumption,＂ which holds that, ideally, all citizens endorse a single, unified state. While seemingly innocuous, this assumption extinguishes First Nations and Qurbrcois＇ claims to sovereignty. I conclude that this assumption--that majority and minority nationals must all work within the boundaries of a single constitutional structure--is ultimately an assimilative one, demanding that minority nationals merge their political community into the civic project of the majority. Drawing from John Rawls＇ The Law of Peoples, I argue that minority nations are best characterized as ＂peoples＂--complete societies with their own unique moral, cultural, and political traditions. If we accept this claim, we will come to see the multinational state differently： not as a political project uniting all citizens, but as a pact between nations; equal sovereign peoples coming together in a spirit of reciprocity to work out fair terms of social and political cooperation.
文摘Commitment to deliberative democracy as a tool for social and political ordering is shared by political philosophers from many traditions. This paper examines John Rawls and Iris Marion Young＇s respective commitments to deliberative democracy in hopes of finding a methodological proposal for peace between followers of Rawls, the greatest liberal political philosopher of the 20th century, and Young, the late anti-liberal and anti-oppression theorist. While there are important differences between their respective positions, this paper posits that deliberative democracy can appease adherents of both thinkers, providing a shared method for determining conflicts between them. Liberal democracy is preferable, partly since it creates a place for anti-liberal positions （viz., Young＇s position can exist within the larger Rawlsian framework）, but deliberative democracy can succeed even if one is not a liberal democrat.
文摘For this research work, an adequate methodology was sought for the calculation of the runoff coefficient with the Tirado arrangement. To achieve this, first, the variables that affect the runoff coefficient were identified, then the model was described with the Tirado arrangement, and as a third part for the calculation of the runoff coefficient, the Tirado model is proposed. From the theory for the calculation of the runoff coefficient, the equation of the weighted coefficients and the expression of Nadal were manipulated, resulting in the following relationship , considering this as the expression for the arrangement Tirado. The expression is tested with different intensities, the magnitudes correspond to 150, 200, 250 and 300 mm/hrs, resulting in runoff coefficient 0.82, 0.87, 0.89, 0.91 respectively. This means that, the higher the intensity, the runoff coefficient will be higher, logically the characteristics of the basin affect that this coefficient has variation in the space studied.
文摘A new kinetic spectrophotometric method has been developed for the determination of iron （Ⅲ）. The method is based on the catalytic effect of iron （Ⅲ） on the oxidation of weak acid brilliant blue dye （RAWL） by KIO4 in acid medium. The advantages of the proposed method are that it is sensitive, accurate, rapid, inexpensive, can be operated under room temperature and has a large determination concentration range compared to other techniques. The obtained optimum conditions are： pH 3.15, RAWL （200 mgL^-1） 5.00mL, Potassium periodate solution （0.01 molL^-1） 0.30mL, phenanthroline （0.02 molL^-1） 1.00mL, reaction temperature 25℃ and reaction time 7 min. With this method iron could quantitively be determined in the range 0.00-0.02 mgL^-1, the detection limit being 4.10 × 10^10gmL^-1. The relative standard deviations （RSD） in five replicate determinations for 3 μgL^-1and 5 μgL^-1 iron （Ⅲ） are 3.1% and 1.9%, respectively. The method has been applied to the determination of iron （Ⅲ） in tap water samples and seawater samples （from the South China Sea）, the recovery rates being 98.0% and 100.5%, respectively.
文摘A new kinetic-spectrophotometric method is proposed for the determination of copper (Ⅱ). The method is based on the catalytic effect of copper (Ⅱ) on the oxidation of weak acid brilliant blue dye (RAWL) by hydrogen peroxide. The copper (Ⅱ) can be determined spectrophotometrically by measuring the decrease of absorbance of RAWL at λ = 626 nm using the fix-time method. The optimum reaction conditions are as follows: pH 7.20, buffer solution NaOH-KH2PO4, RAWL (200 mg L-1) 5.00 mL, H2O2 (30%) 0.50 mL, reaction temperature 80℃ and reaction time 20 min. The linear range of this method is between 0 μg L-1 and 12 μg L-1 and the limit of detection is 0.011 μg L-1, the relative standard deviation (RSD) in five replicate determinations for 2 and 8 μg L-1 copper (Ⅱ) are 3.2% and 2.3%, respectively. Twenty ions do not interfere in the determination of copper (Ⅱ). The method has been applied satisfactorily to the determination of copper (Ⅱ) in freshwater samples (tap water and Yellow River water from Lijin, Shandong, China) and seawater samples (from the South China Sea), the recovery rates are 98.0%, 102.5% and 96.0%, respectively.
文摘A new kinetic spectrophotometric method is developed for the measurement of manganese(Ⅱ) in water. The method is based on the catalytic effect of manganese(Ⅱ) with the oxidation of weak acid brilliant blue dye(RAWL) by KIO4 using the Nitrilo triacetic acid(NTA) as an activation reagent. The optimum conditions obtained are 40 mgL-1 RAWL,1×10-4molL-1 KIO4,2×10-4 molL-1 Nitrilo triacetic acid(NTA),pH = 5.8,the reaction time of 3.00 min and the temperature of 20.0 ℃. Under the optimum conditions,the proposed method allows the measurement of manganese(Ⅱ) in a range of 0-50.0 ng mL-1 and with a detection limit of down to 0.158 ng mL-1. The recovery efficiency in measuring the standard manganese(Ⅱ) solution is in a range of 98.5%-102%,and the RSD is in a range of 0.76%-1.25%. The new method has been successfully applied to the measurement of manganese(Ⅱ) in both fresh water and seawater samples with satisfying results. Moreover,few cations and anions interfere with the measurement of manganese(Ⅱ). Compared with other kinetic catalytic methods and instrumental methods,the proposed method shows fairly good selectivity and sensitivity,low cost,cheapness,low detection limit and rapidity. It can be applied on boats easily.
文摘A new kinetic spectrophotometric method has been developed for the determination of trace Ni （Ⅱ in natural water. The method is based on the catalytic effect of Ni （Ⅱ） on the oxidation of weak acid brilliant blue dye （RAWL） by KIO4 in acid medium. The concentration of nickel （Ⅱ） can be determined spectrophotometrically by measuring the decrease of absorbance of RAWL at λ = 626 nm using the fix-time method. The influencing factors are investigated by the orthogonal experimental design. The obtained optimum analytical conditions are： pH = 2.00, CRAWL = 5.00×10^-5 mol·L^-1, c KlO4 = 2.00× 10^-5 mol·L^-1, the reaction time t= 10min and the temperature T = 25 ℃. Under the optimum conditions, the developed method allows the measurement of Ni （Ⅱ） in a range of 0 - 40.0ngmL1. The standard deviation of eleven independent measurements of blank reaction is S = 3.08× 10^-3 and the limit of detection is 2.20ng·mL^-1. The relative standard deviations （RSDs） in six replicate determinations of 5 ngmL-1 and 8 ngmL1 Ni （Ⅱ） are 2.87% and 1.11%, respectively. Moreover, the experiments show few cations and anions can interfere with the measurement of Ni （Ⅱ）. The recovery efficiencies of this method are in a range of 97.0%-102.5% in freshwater samples. But there is a decreasing effect, which is about 0.2 times the added Ni （Ⅱ） in seawater medium. After reasonable calibration this processing method is used for the determination of Ni （Ⅱ） in seawater samples successfully. The results show this developed method has high accuracy and precision, high sensitivity, large range of linearity and high speed. The method can, therefore, be employed at room temperature.
基金partially supported by a grant[SSHD-2022-269(I)]from the College of Professional and Continuing Education,an affiliate of The Hong Kong Polytechnic University.
文摘In this paper,I examine Sandel’s recent criticism of meritocracy.I argue that even though Sandel appeals to the rhetoric of luck in his criticism,unlike Rawls,his fundamental political aspiration is a kind of communitarian republicanism rather than liberal egalitarianism.However,Sandel’s suggestion of lottery elements in college admission does not help much in reducing inequality and political polarization.After comparing Mulligan’s meritocratic thesis,I argue that the problems of inequality and polarization in the U.S.are not caused by meritocracy;rather it is due to a lack of substantive equal opportunity.And I would argue that as long as substantive equal educational opportunities are guaranteed,there is no reason to reject meritocracy.And by taking reference from the experience of Hong Kong’s educational reform,I further argue that one important way to achieve equal educational opportunities is through leveling-up educational policies,such as providing competitive publicly-funded education,which not only provides equal opportunity to everyone to develop their capabilities regardless of their different family backgrounds,but also establishes citizens’participatory readiness,so that they can effectively participate in creating and sustaining communitarian meritocracy.
文摘In the Laws （which Plato calls his ＂second-best society＂） Plato asserts that the best attainable form of society will combine the better features of autocracy and democracy. The democracy will be one where aidos （＂respect＂） will be a prominent feature, as will be the rule of laws underpinned by the belief that God, not man, is the measure of all things. Unlike in the Republic, the accumulation of wealth and property will be the right of all citizens, including rulers. But it will operate under strict limits： a maximum of four quanta of property will be allowed by any citizen, while a minimum of one （which will provide a good life though perhaps not a rich one） will be guaranteed. The affinity of such a view with that of John Rawls is striking. The article ends with a brief interview between the reader and Plato, in which some of the above issues are discussed.
文摘Modem moral and political theorists make a sharp separation between justice and civic friendship, arguing that justice deals with the fair terms of co-operation in the social sphere whereas civic friendship is about an individual＇s contingent affections in the political domain. In addition, they also argue that the principles of justice must determine the nature and function of civic friendship in modem liberal society. Even though the historical origin of the above view can be traced to the writings of Immanuel Kant （2007）, John Rawls provides us with its most cogent formulation in recent times. In his book A Theory of Justice （1971）, Rawls argues that the considerations of right are prior to the considerations of good; therefore the principles of justice must determine the limits of civic friendship. Against RaMs, I argue that justice and civic friendship are intrinsically connected and that they cannot be separated in experience. I draw upon Aristotle＇s theory of virtue to strengthen my arguments. Following Aristotle, I show that both justice and friendship are virtues and that all virtues hold together. The Aristotelian coherence of virtues, I argue, can be useful in redefining the obligations of justice and civic friendship in contemporary liberal democracies.
文摘While being generally appreciative of John Rawls' theory of justice,this paper aims to describe and compare the two metrics of justice—primary goods and capability,and through critiques and responses between Amartya Sen and John Rawls,I argue that the capability metric is a better project than the social primary goods metric insofar as it can provide a more practical path for rethinking the concept of social justice,as well as a better approach in resolving fundamental social justice issues in China.
文摘Contemporary proponents of Confucian political philosophy often ignore the fact that any sizeable future Confucian political order will have to accommodate many “non-Confucians.” The guiding question of this paper is therefore the following: how could a Confucian political philosophy, if it can at all, adequately take into account a plurality of comprehensive worldviews? I first turn to John Rawls and his account of these terms and of reasonable pluralism more generally. I then examine some particularly relevant developments and criticism of Rawls’ account. Finally, I offer a discussion of some recent proposals for a Confucian political philosophy, and examine to what extent each recognizes the fact of pluralism, sees it as a challenge, and deals with it in a persuasive manner. The paper concludes with a depiction of two major stumbling blocks that might stand firmly in the way of such a pluralism-accommodating political Confucianism.
文摘Diversity or pluralism in values has been widely recognized as a major feature of our times both intemationally and domestically, and China is no exception, where this phenomenon is regarded as a major reason for the country＇s efforts to pursue the goal of a “harmonious society” at home and the goal of a “harmonious world” abroad. Against this background, many people show great interest in the idea of “overlapping consensus” proposed by John gawls. On the basis of a careful reading of different interpretations of this idea, or the “overlapping consensus” on the idea of“ overlapping consensus,” we can say that there are three levels of “overlapping consensus. ”At the first level, people with different positions treat each other with the same reasonable attitude. At the second level, people holding different values support the same norms on the basis of their respective values or by taking each other＇s perspectives into the moral discourse. At the third level, people who currently hold different “moral sources”of the shared norms are nonetheless ready to engage in a common leaming process that aims for a “fusion of horizons＂”in the future. Overlapping consensuses at all these levels should not only be discussed in political philosophy, or discovered in political culture, but also constructed in political practice. This means that we should try our best to provide actual conditions for overlapping consensuses in social and institutional reality, and at the same time avoid reducing the validity of any type of overlapping consensus to its facticity.
