The essay aims at analyzing the relationship between the changes of political information,disseminated through the net,and the dangers to democracy.In particular,three topics will be addressed:the change of ways of ma...The essay aims at analyzing the relationship between the changes of political information,disseminated through the net,and the dangers to democracy.In particular,three topics will be addressed:the change of ways of making political information on the net;the new characteristics of political information disseminated on the net and the risk for democracy;the need to combat political disinformation on the net through adequate regulation.In this regard,the paper analyzes the measures adopted in some European countries,such as France,Germany,and Spain,aimed at countering disinformation online and fake news,especially in the field of political information,and the action started by the European Union for this purpose.The measures adopted by some European countries are aimed at:repressing the disinformation and fake news;providing transparency obligations for providers;promoting media literacy programs.Instead,the European Union preferred to resort to self-regulation by providers.In fact,although the European Union can adopt a regulation containing specific obligations for providers,for the moment it has provided for the adoption of a Code of good practice to combat disinformation which is not binding on them.In this regard,the paper analyzes the possible measures that States and European Union could introduce in order to combat the phenomenon of political disinformation able to influence the voters and condition the electoral competitions.Finally,the paper focuses on the effectiveness of these measures and their limits.展开更多
The emergence of new media with multiple platforms has abundantly adjusted the socio-political perspectives in such a way that our everyday conducts and professionalism point of views are entrenched over technological...The emergence of new media with multiple platforms has abundantly adjusted the socio-political perspectives in such a way that our everyday conducts and professionalism point of views are entrenched over technological diffusion.The young people remain the potential users on the social media,considering their primary bases for daily accomplishments,owing to the novel features and realistic methods available.As an entry point,this paper intends to draw the conception of the public sphere,whereby the notion of publics is vital on abstracting the sphere of the internet,in which abundant spheres meant for the multiple clusters embark on political communication for their ways distinctly.It’s the ideal realm which converges the peripheral spheres into the inclusive domain through communicative actions.In the developing countries,the youths along with minorities’engagement and reliance on the internet have been ominously mounting,comprehensive for political identities and rationalizing their civic opinions.Polling discussion on running candidates and political parties’manifestations are common during the general election and some diaspora communities and further foreign activists play a part in political affairs of the countries.Thus,this article aims at tracing the potential civil integrity for youths with political information efficacy fostered on digital public spheres,by which traditional media are politically run-downed,remoted by draconian legal framework and commercial determinants.Besides,this paper argues about the offline publics which are ideally distant,and thus far implies to the narrow unitary sphere theorization owing to the technology division which so far entails partial civic life.展开更多
Informal networks, practices and institutions may be observed in many different social contexts, particularly in politics. In certain political regimes, certain forms of informality are to be expected and are also tol...Informal networks, practices and institutions may be observed in many different social contexts, particularly in politics. In certain political regimes, certain forms of informality are to be expected and are also tolerated more than in others. Political informality in Eastern Europe may be presented on an axis with two poles, with many variants or combinations of informality and formality between them. These positions also allow the identification of specific regime types and legal systems. This chapter seeks to contextualize the distinction between the formal and the informal and to relate it to types of political regime, the principal focus resting on informal politics. Specific political contexts may produce practices of informality that have become so generalised that they can be described as cultures of informality. The interesting question is： to what extent are specific forms of informal structures more resilient in particular regime types than in others？ Particularly looking at some of the more-or-less autocratic Euroasiatic states, one can easily recognize that the very purpose of informal politics and institutions is to restrict or eliminate political competition. Forms and meanings of what is informal and formal change the further one moves eastwards. Formal rules are and may be used together with informal institutions to control society. All this points to specific cultures of informality that can be observed, as well as different cultures of trust and distrust. On the other hand, such cultures of informality have to be considered in the context of specific political systems, together with their regimes （the concrete configurations of political power） and their organisations. This paper looks particularly at hybrid non-democracies and suggests one might consider them, in the perspective ofNiklas Luhmann＇s system theory, as parasites of functional differentiation.展开更多
文摘The essay aims at analyzing the relationship between the changes of political information,disseminated through the net,and the dangers to democracy.In particular,three topics will be addressed:the change of ways of making political information on the net;the new characteristics of political information disseminated on the net and the risk for democracy;the need to combat political disinformation on the net through adequate regulation.In this regard,the paper analyzes the measures adopted in some European countries,such as France,Germany,and Spain,aimed at countering disinformation online and fake news,especially in the field of political information,and the action started by the European Union for this purpose.The measures adopted by some European countries are aimed at:repressing the disinformation and fake news;providing transparency obligations for providers;promoting media literacy programs.Instead,the European Union preferred to resort to self-regulation by providers.In fact,although the European Union can adopt a regulation containing specific obligations for providers,for the moment it has provided for the adoption of a Code of good practice to combat disinformation which is not binding on them.In this regard,the paper analyzes the possible measures that States and European Union could introduce in order to combat the phenomenon of political disinformation able to influence the voters and condition the electoral competitions.Finally,the paper focuses on the effectiveness of these measures and their limits.
文摘The emergence of new media with multiple platforms has abundantly adjusted the socio-political perspectives in such a way that our everyday conducts and professionalism point of views are entrenched over technological diffusion.The young people remain the potential users on the social media,considering their primary bases for daily accomplishments,owing to the novel features and realistic methods available.As an entry point,this paper intends to draw the conception of the public sphere,whereby the notion of publics is vital on abstracting the sphere of the internet,in which abundant spheres meant for the multiple clusters embark on political communication for their ways distinctly.It’s the ideal realm which converges the peripheral spheres into the inclusive domain through communicative actions.In the developing countries,the youths along with minorities’engagement and reliance on the internet have been ominously mounting,comprehensive for political identities and rationalizing their civic opinions.Polling discussion on running candidates and political parties’manifestations are common during the general election and some diaspora communities and further foreign activists play a part in political affairs of the countries.Thus,this article aims at tracing the potential civil integrity for youths with political information efficacy fostered on digital public spheres,by which traditional media are politically run-downed,remoted by draconian legal framework and commercial determinants.Besides,this paper argues about the offline publics which are ideally distant,and thus far implies to the narrow unitary sphere theorization owing to the technology division which so far entails partial civic life.
文摘Informal networks, practices and institutions may be observed in many different social contexts, particularly in politics. In certain political regimes, certain forms of informality are to be expected and are also tolerated more than in others. Political informality in Eastern Europe may be presented on an axis with two poles, with many variants or combinations of informality and formality between them. These positions also allow the identification of specific regime types and legal systems. This chapter seeks to contextualize the distinction between the formal and the informal and to relate it to types of political regime, the principal focus resting on informal politics. Specific political contexts may produce practices of informality that have become so generalised that they can be described as cultures of informality. The interesting question is： to what extent are specific forms of informal structures more resilient in particular regime types than in others？ Particularly looking at some of the more-or-less autocratic Euroasiatic states, one can easily recognize that the very purpose of informal politics and institutions is to restrict or eliminate political competition. Forms and meanings of what is informal and formal change the further one moves eastwards. Formal rules are and may be used together with informal institutions to control society. All this points to specific cultures of informality that can be observed, as well as different cultures of trust and distrust. On the other hand, such cultures of informality have to be considered in the context of specific political systems, together with their regimes （the concrete configurations of political power） and their organisations. This paper looks particularly at hybrid non-democracies and suggests one might consider them, in the perspective ofNiklas Luhmann＇s system theory, as parasites of functional differentiation.
