The charter that created the African Union came into effect in 2002. It is now 12 years in place but most Africans would not be sure whether they know the rationale and ultimate role of the AU in promoting good govern...The charter that created the African Union came into effect in 2002. It is now 12 years in place but most Africans would not be sure whether they know the rationale and ultimate role of the AU in promoting good governance, peace, security and progress on the continent. Annual summits take place in Addis Ababa, and several resolutions are taken, but it is though the respective heads of states just return to their colonially engineered states to resume business as usual. As a result, poverty, conflicts （both internal and regional）, bad governance continue to plague the majority of the African countries with a few exceptions. Of late emerging economies such as China and India deal with Africa as if it were a one country--this could be the time for Africans to begin envisioning a new continental political architecture, with an African citizenship. The provisions of the African Union Charter are enshrined in the Constitutive Act, are summaries in Articles 3 and 4, that deal with objectives and principles. The objectives are （Desta, 2013, pp. 160-161）： （1） Achieve greater unity and solidarity between the African countries and peoples of Africa; （2） Defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of its member states; （3） Accelerate the political and social-economic integration of the continent; （4） Promote and defend African common positions on issues of interest to the continent and its peoples; （5） Encourage intemational cooperation, taking due account of the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; （6） Promote, peace, security and stability of the continent; （7） Promote democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance; （8） Promote and protect human and people＇s rights in accordance with the African Charter on Human and Peoples＇ Rights and other relevant human rights instruments; （9） Establish the necessary conditions which enable the continent to play its rightful role in the global economy and in international negotiations; （10） Promote sustainable development at the economic. Social and cultural levels as well as the integration of African economies; （11） Promote co-operation in all fields of human activity to raise the living standards of African peoples; （12） Coordinate and harmonize the policies between the existing and future Regional Economic Communities for the gradual attainment of the objectives of the Union; （13） Advance the development of the continent by promoting research in all fields, in particular in science and technology; （14） Work with relevant international partners in the eradication of preventable diseases and the promotion of good health on the continent. The principles of the AU Constitutive Act are （Ibid. 162-163）： （1） Sovereign equality and interdependence among Member Sates of the Union; （2） Respect for borders existing on achievement of independence; （3） Participation of the African peoples in the activities of the Union; （4） Establishment of a common defense policy for the African Continent; （5） Peaceful resolution of conflicts among Member States of the Union through such appropriate means as may be decided upon by the Assembly; （6） Prohibition of the use of force or threat to use force among Member States of the Union; （7） Non-interference by any Member State in the internal affairs of another; （8） The right of the Union to intervene in aMember State pursuant to a decision of the Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely： war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity; （9） Peaceful co-existence of Member States and their right to live in peace and security; （10） The right of Member States to request intervention from the Union in order to restore peace and security; （11） Promotion of self-reliance within the framework of the Union; （12） Promotion of gender equality; m. Respect for democratic principles, human rights, rule of law and good governance; （13） Promotion of social justice to ensure balanced economic development; （14） Respect for the sanctity of human life, condemnation and rejection of impunity and political assassination, acts of terrorism and subversive activities; （15） Condemnation and rejection of unconstitutional changes of governments. While there is mention of participation of African peoples in the activities of the Union as principle （c） and objective （g）, there is no explicit mention of civil society organizations （media, faith-based organizations, and NGOs） as principle actors in implementing the objectives of the Union. I want to argue that the failure of the respective African states to eradicate poverty, end armed conflicts, and address governance issues is caused by lack of a common regional integration model that takes an African Union citizenship seriously, but at the same time respecting the role of civil society and faith-based organizations, that predate the state in Africa. It is evident that Afi＇ican Unity （AU） and sub-regional integration groups such as East African Community （EAC）, Southern African Development Community （SADC）, Economic Community Of West African States （ECOWAS）, as well the New Partnership for Africa＇s Development （NEPAD）, are designed and operationalized from a statist political philosophical framework. Moreover, since the African states are largely contested as a colonial creation, the AU cannot successfully implement the institution of an African citizenship without acknowledging the role of and giving space to non-state actors in AU and other regional integration models and initiatives. This paradigm shift will require rethinking the relationship between the state and non-state actors in Africa.展开更多
This article analyzes the basic experiences in the reform and development of China’s non-state-owned economy,based on a review of its distinctive features and major achievements of sustained rapid development over th...This article analyzes the basic experiences in the reform and development of China’s non-state-owned economy,based on a review of its distinctive features and major achievements of sustained rapid development over the last three decades since reform and opening began. It also identifies the problems facing further reform and development of China’s non-state-owned economy. Finally,it presents an outlook of the future of non-state-owned economic development. Looking ahead,the collectively owned economy in urban areas and townships is expected to enter a new stage of development based on transition and transformation; the individual and private economy will reach new heights of development; foreign invested enterprises will further boost economic and technological investment and raise the technological content of output.展开更多
The Arab world has witnessed two interrelated phenomena after the Arab Spring.The first is the aggravation of the crisis of the nationstate,where many states experienced failure and disintegration,such as Libya,Syria ...The Arab world has witnessed two interrelated phenomena after the Arab Spring.The first is the aggravation of the crisis of the nationstate,where many states experienced failure and disintegration,such as Libya,Syria and Yemen,while many other states continued to suffer from weakness.The second is the rise of violent non-state actors(VNSAS)such as terrorist jihadi organisations,warlords,organised crime syndicates and armed militias affiliated with political parties,tribal,ethnic and sectarian groups.The second phenomenon is a natural outcome of the first one.When the state fails,it becomes unable to monopolise the use of force,impose its control over its territory and secure it borders.These conditions create a security and political vacuum and ungoverned spaces,which are considered a suitable environment for the expansion of VNSAs.Currently,in many Arab states,the role of VNSAs makes state-building and peacemaking efforts more difficult and complicated.This article aims to analyse the causes of the crisis of nation-state building in the Arab world,which explains the failure and collapse of many Arab states once the authoritarian regimes that have governed them for decades collapsed.Also,it discusses the types of VNSAs and the reasons behind the expansion of these actors and the escalation of their roles in many Arab countries,particularly in the post-Arab Spring era.Additionally,the future of VNSAS will be examined.展开更多
In order to penalize the acceptance of bribes by non-state functionaries who abuse public power, the anti-corruption system of China＇s criminal law has undergone successive transformations： from punishing non-state ...In order to penalize the acceptance of bribes by non-state functionaries who abuse public power, the anti-corruption system of China＇s criminal law has undergone successive transformations： from punishing non-state functionaries who accept bribes in accordance with the joint crime model to punishing them in accordance with the model for a single crime, and from seeking the rules of punishment in judicial interpretations to having the criminal code directly prescribe the criteria for determining a charge. Judicial interpretations have been particularly concerned with the punishment of non-state functionaries who have a relationship of common interests with a state functionary. The crime of accepting bribes given in return for trading in influence was established to solve the problem of the judicial vacuum created by judicial interpretations, but new legal obstacles have emerged. To generalize the class of offenders who accept bribes in return for using their influence is the route future improvement should take.展开更多
This article investigates the dynamics of rivalry and state sponsorship of non-state actors by explaining the Saudi-Iranian rivalry through the lens of securitization theory.The study elucidates that despite the endur...This article investigates the dynamics of rivalry and state sponsorship of non-state actors by explaining the Saudi-Iranian rivalry through the lens of securitization theory.The study elucidates that despite the enduring nature of their rivalry,both Iran and Saudi Arabia have exhibited a degree of restraint in escalating their conflicting dyadic relationship.It further notes that this behavior has forced them to securitize various issues in the region,framing them as potential threats to national and regime security,that has allowed them to build alliance and provide critical support to nonstate actors across the region.By so doing,Tehran and Riyadh seek to expand their influence and hunt their strategic and tactical objectives within the Middle East.This policy is primarily driven by geopolitical concerns rather than ideological or ethnic entitlements.展开更多
文摘The charter that created the African Union came into effect in 2002. It is now 12 years in place but most Africans would not be sure whether they know the rationale and ultimate role of the AU in promoting good governance, peace, security and progress on the continent. Annual summits take place in Addis Ababa, and several resolutions are taken, but it is though the respective heads of states just return to their colonially engineered states to resume business as usual. As a result, poverty, conflicts （both internal and regional）, bad governance continue to plague the majority of the African countries with a few exceptions. Of late emerging economies such as China and India deal with Africa as if it were a one country--this could be the time for Africans to begin envisioning a new continental political architecture, with an African citizenship. The provisions of the African Union Charter are enshrined in the Constitutive Act, are summaries in Articles 3 and 4, that deal with objectives and principles. The objectives are （Desta, 2013, pp. 160-161）： （1） Achieve greater unity and solidarity between the African countries and peoples of Africa; （2） Defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of its member states; （3） Accelerate the political and social-economic integration of the continent; （4） Promote and defend African common positions on issues of interest to the continent and its peoples; （5） Encourage intemational cooperation, taking due account of the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; （6） Promote, peace, security and stability of the continent; （7） Promote democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance; （8） Promote and protect human and people＇s rights in accordance with the African Charter on Human and Peoples＇ Rights and other relevant human rights instruments; （9） Establish the necessary conditions which enable the continent to play its rightful role in the global economy and in international negotiations; （10） Promote sustainable development at the economic. Social and cultural levels as well as the integration of African economies; （11） Promote co-operation in all fields of human activity to raise the living standards of African peoples; （12） Coordinate and harmonize the policies between the existing and future Regional Economic Communities for the gradual attainment of the objectives of the Union; （13） Advance the development of the continent by promoting research in all fields, in particular in science and technology; （14） Work with relevant international partners in the eradication of preventable diseases and the promotion of good health on the continent. The principles of the AU Constitutive Act are （Ibid. 162-163）： （1） Sovereign equality and interdependence among Member Sates of the Union; （2） Respect for borders existing on achievement of independence; （3） Participation of the African peoples in the activities of the Union; （4） Establishment of a common defense policy for the African Continent; （5） Peaceful resolution of conflicts among Member States of the Union through such appropriate means as may be decided upon by the Assembly; （6） Prohibition of the use of force or threat to use force among Member States of the Union; （7） Non-interference by any Member State in the internal affairs of another; （8） The right of the Union to intervene in aMember State pursuant to a decision of the Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely： war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity; （9） Peaceful co-existence of Member States and their right to live in peace and security; （10） The right of Member States to request intervention from the Union in order to restore peace and security; （11） Promotion of self-reliance within the framework of the Union; （12） Promotion of gender equality; m. Respect for democratic principles, human rights, rule of law and good governance; （13） Promotion of social justice to ensure balanced economic development; （14） Respect for the sanctity of human life, condemnation and rejection of impunity and political assassination, acts of terrorism and subversive activities; （15） Condemnation and rejection of unconstitutional changes of governments. While there is mention of participation of African peoples in the activities of the Union as principle （c） and objective （g）, there is no explicit mention of civil society organizations （media, faith-based organizations, and NGOs） as principle actors in implementing the objectives of the Union. I want to argue that the failure of the respective African states to eradicate poverty, end armed conflicts, and address governance issues is caused by lack of a common regional integration model that takes an African Union citizenship seriously, but at the same time respecting the role of civil society and faith-based organizations, that predate the state in Africa. It is evident that Afi＇ican Unity （AU） and sub-regional integration groups such as East African Community （EAC）, Southern African Development Community （SADC）, Economic Community Of West African States （ECOWAS）, as well the New Partnership for Africa＇s Development （NEPAD）, are designed and operationalized from a statist political philosophical framework. Moreover, since the African states are largely contested as a colonial creation, the AU cannot successfully implement the institution of an African citizenship without acknowledging the role of and giving space to non-state actors in AU and other regional integration models and initiatives. This paradigm shift will require rethinking the relationship between the state and non-state actors in Africa.
文摘This article analyzes the basic experiences in the reform and development of China’s non-state-owned economy,based on a review of its distinctive features and major achievements of sustained rapid development over the last three decades since reform and opening began. It also identifies the problems facing further reform and development of China’s non-state-owned economy. Finally,it presents an outlook of the future of non-state-owned economic development. Looking ahead,the collectively owned economy in urban areas and townships is expected to enter a new stage of development based on transition and transformation; the individual and private economy will reach new heights of development; foreign invested enterprises will further boost economic and technological investment and raise the technological content of output.
文摘The Arab world has witnessed two interrelated phenomena after the Arab Spring.The first is the aggravation of the crisis of the nationstate,where many states experienced failure and disintegration,such as Libya,Syria and Yemen,while many other states continued to suffer from weakness.The second is the rise of violent non-state actors(VNSAS)such as terrorist jihadi organisations,warlords,organised crime syndicates and armed militias affiliated with political parties,tribal,ethnic and sectarian groups.The second phenomenon is a natural outcome of the first one.When the state fails,it becomes unable to monopolise the use of force,impose its control over its territory and secure it borders.These conditions create a security and political vacuum and ungoverned spaces,which are considered a suitable environment for the expansion of VNSAs.Currently,in many Arab states,the role of VNSAs makes state-building and peacemaking efforts more difficult and complicated.This article aims to analyse the causes of the crisis of nation-state building in the Arab world,which explains the failure and collapse of many Arab states once the authoritarian regimes that have governed them for decades collapsed.Also,it discusses the types of VNSAs and the reasons behind the expansion of these actors and the escalation of their roles in many Arab countries,particularly in the post-Arab Spring era.Additionally,the future of VNSAS will be examined.
文摘In order to penalize the acceptance of bribes by non-state functionaries who abuse public power, the anti-corruption system of China＇s criminal law has undergone successive transformations： from punishing non-state functionaries who accept bribes in accordance with the joint crime model to punishing them in accordance with the model for a single crime, and from seeking the rules of punishment in judicial interpretations to having the criminal code directly prescribe the criteria for determining a charge. Judicial interpretations have been particularly concerned with the punishment of non-state functionaries who have a relationship of common interests with a state functionary. The crime of accepting bribes given in return for trading in influence was established to solve the problem of the judicial vacuum created by judicial interpretations, but new legal obstacles have emerged. To generalize the class of offenders who accept bribes in return for using their influence is the route future improvement should take.
文摘This article investigates the dynamics of rivalry and state sponsorship of non-state actors by explaining the Saudi-Iranian rivalry through the lens of securitization theory.The study elucidates that despite the enduring nature of their rivalry,both Iran and Saudi Arabia have exhibited a degree of restraint in escalating their conflicting dyadic relationship.It further notes that this behavior has forced them to securitize various issues in the region,framing them as potential threats to national and regime security,that has allowed them to build alliance and provide critical support to nonstate actors across the region.By so doing,Tehran and Riyadh seek to expand their influence and hunt their strategic and tactical objectives within the Middle East.This policy is primarily driven by geopolitical concerns rather than ideological or ethnic entitlements.
