The emergence of World War I （1914） brought the occupation of Novi Pazar by Austria-Hungary （19 of November 1915） which resulted in epidemics, famine and destitution among its inhabitants. Despite of the attenuati...The emergence of World War I （1914） brought the occupation of Novi Pazar by Austria-Hungary （19 of November 1915） which resulted in epidemics, famine and destitution among its inhabitants. Despite of the attenuation of the population structure, Austria-Hungary made a strong pressure on the Muslim population of Sanjak by representing the ongoing worldwide conflict （World War I） as a ＂holy war＂ which aimed the destruction of the Ottomans and Islam by its enemies. By using the slogans ＂For creed and faith＂ and ＂Everyone Turkish must check into the Volunteers＂ during 1916, with the help of local agas and beys, a couple of thousand males at the ages between 18 and 50 were gathered and dispersed among the frontlines spreading from Arabia to Galicia. Thus, a large number of Muslims applied to ＂Durumlije＂ and joined the struggle because of the Ottoman Empire had been an ally and fought together with the Axis Powers （Germany and Austria-Hungary） against Russia and other Allied （Entente） Armies. ＂Durumlije＂, among their Austria-Hungarian military uniforms wore a crescent-star bandage alongside a tarboosh on their heads. They were being brought to the Galician frontline after a very short period of military instructions which never lasted longer than a month. A smaller number of them were sent to the frontlines towards Arabia, while some of them lost their lives. Part became prisoners of war and afterwards most of them continued their lives in Turkey. Nevertheless, a small number of＂Durumlije＂ managed to return to Sanjak. After succeeding to return their destinies were uncertain. After the conclusion of World War I they faced repression and terror because of their previous war engagement in the newly formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes （1918）. A large part of them were forced to flee to Turkey because of poverty and fear of retaliations.展开更多
The Iberian Peninsula is,nowadays,the main producer of roofing slate of the world.Most of the outcrops are located in the NW of the Iberian Peninsula,in the regions of Galicia,Leon,and in Portugal.The technique of wor...The Iberian Peninsula is,nowadays,the main producer of roofing slate of the world.Most of the outcrops are located in the NW of the Iberian Peninsula,in the regions of Galicia,Leon,and in Portugal.The technique of working and roofing with slate was brought from Flanders by King Felipe II by the second half of the XVI century.The most representative building from this period is the Monastery of El Escorial,N Madrid.However,the Spanish slate industry remained incipient until the 1960s,when Galicia and Leon suffered an accelerated industrialization process which greatly enhanced the volume of production.Additionally,the Portuguese slate industry was well developed by the second half of the XIX century.Most of the Portuguese production was exported,mainly to the United Kingdom.By the second half of the XX century,the Spanish,and in a lesser extent,the Portuguese roofing slate spread all over Europe,forcing most of the existing European quarries to close.Nowadays,different varieties of roofing slates are quarried,mainly in Spain,being used indistinctly in new residential construction and for restoration of historical buildings.The main importing countries are France,Germany and the United Kingdom.This work presents an overview of the history and main varieties of the Iberian roofing slate,in order to propose its inclusion as a Global Heritage Stone Province.展开更多
This article examines how risk is communicated by different actors,particularly local print newspapers and actors at the community level,in two different geographical contexts that are severely affected by wildfires—...This article examines how risk is communicated by different actors,particularly local print newspapers and actors at the community level,in two different geographical contexts that are severely affected by wildfires—the Brazilian Amazon and Atlantic Spain.We analyzed how wildfire risk is framed in local print media and local actor discourse to elucidate how wildfire risk is interpreted and aimed to identify the main priorities of these risk governance systems.The main findings reveal that the presentation of wildfire as a spectacle is a serious obstacle to the promotion of coherent risk governance and social learning,which involves recognizing wildfire risk as a social,political,economic,and environmental problem.Proactive risk governance should communicate the multifaceted nature of risk and stimulate dialogue and negotiation among all actors to build consensus regarding land use and the creation of risk.展开更多
文摘The emergence of World War I （1914） brought the occupation of Novi Pazar by Austria-Hungary （19 of November 1915） which resulted in epidemics, famine and destitution among its inhabitants. Despite of the attenuation of the population structure, Austria-Hungary made a strong pressure on the Muslim population of Sanjak by representing the ongoing worldwide conflict （World War I） as a ＂holy war＂ which aimed the destruction of the Ottomans and Islam by its enemies. By using the slogans ＂For creed and faith＂ and ＂Everyone Turkish must check into the Volunteers＂ during 1916, with the help of local agas and beys, a couple of thousand males at the ages between 18 and 50 were gathered and dispersed among the frontlines spreading from Arabia to Galicia. Thus, a large number of Muslims applied to ＂Durumlije＂ and joined the struggle because of the Ottoman Empire had been an ally and fought together with the Axis Powers （Germany and Austria-Hungary） against Russia and other Allied （Entente） Armies. ＂Durumlije＂, among their Austria-Hungarian military uniforms wore a crescent-star bandage alongside a tarboosh on their heads. They were being brought to the Galician frontline after a very short period of military instructions which never lasted longer than a month. A smaller number of them were sent to the frontlines towards Arabia, while some of them lost their lives. Part became prisoners of war and afterwards most of them continued their lives in Turkey. Nevertheless, a small number of＂Durumlije＂ managed to return to Sanjak. After succeeding to return their destinies were uncertain. After the conclusion of World War I they faced repression and terror because of their previous war engagement in the newly formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes （1918）. A large part of them were forced to flee to Turkey because of poverty and fear of retaliations.
基金grateful to the Foundation for the Scientific Research(FWO)from the Flanders Government,Belgium,for his Pegasus Marie Curie Fellowship.
文摘The Iberian Peninsula is,nowadays,the main producer of roofing slate of the world.Most of the outcrops are located in the NW of the Iberian Peninsula,in the regions of Galicia,Leon,and in Portugal.The technique of working and roofing with slate was brought from Flanders by King Felipe II by the second half of the XVI century.The most representative building from this period is the Monastery of El Escorial,N Madrid.However,the Spanish slate industry remained incipient until the 1960s,when Galicia and Leon suffered an accelerated industrialization process which greatly enhanced the volume of production.Additionally,the Portuguese slate industry was well developed by the second half of the XIX century.Most of the Portuguese production was exported,mainly to the United Kingdom.By the second half of the XX century,the Spanish,and in a lesser extent,the Portuguese roofing slate spread all over Europe,forcing most of the existing European quarries to close.Nowadays,different varieties of roofing slates are quarried,mainly in Spain,being used indistinctly in new residential construction and for restoration of historical buildings.The main importing countries are France,Germany and the United Kingdom.This work presents an overview of the history and main varieties of the Iberian roofing slate,in order to propose its inclusion as a Global Heritage Stone Province.
文摘This article examines how risk is communicated by different actors,particularly local print newspapers and actors at the community level,in two different geographical contexts that are severely affected by wildfires—the Brazilian Amazon and Atlantic Spain.We analyzed how wildfire risk is framed in local print media and local actor discourse to elucidate how wildfire risk is interpreted and aimed to identify the main priorities of these risk governance systems.The main findings reveal that the presentation of wildfire as a spectacle is a serious obstacle to the promotion of coherent risk governance and social learning,which involves recognizing wildfire risk as a social,political,economic,and environmental problem.Proactive risk governance should communicate the multifaceted nature of risk and stimulate dialogue and negotiation among all actors to build consensus regarding land use and the creation of risk.
