This study analyzes the comparative patterns of democratization between geographic regions and the world. It addresses the question that how some determinants of democracy have different effects among geographical reg...This study analyzes the comparative patterns of democratization between geographic regions and the world. It addresses the question that how some determinants of democracy have different effects among geographical regions. Further, by comparing the similarities and differences in the patterns of democratic diffusion across regions, this study seeks to delineate what changes scholars should adopt in our epistemological approaches and methodological tools, such as the indices of democracy, in an attempt to better understand the policy implications of disparate findings from various empirical studies. As part of a larger research project, this paper focuses its attention on two of the geographical regions Asia and the Middle East.展开更多
This paper will deal with the history of an important political change in Spain during the transition to democracy between 1976 and 1982： the transformation of a unitary and centralized state to one composed of sever...This paper will deal with the history of an important political change in Spain during the transition to democracy between 1976 and 1982： the transformation of a unitary and centralized state to one composed of several political units capable of self-government. The starting point of that process was the confirmation of regional diversity and of the existence of clearly differentiated political sensibilities in some of its territories. The researchers shall rely especially on the legacy of some of the principal actors, and explore the connection between such diversity and the political change that took place.展开更多
After four decades of military dictatorship,Togo is still facing a dilemma of whether to break with the past and take a path of democratization or make changes in the continuity.The death of the former President Gnass...After four decades of military dictatorship,Togo is still facing a dilemma of whether to break with the past and take a path of democratization or make changes in the continuity.The death of the former President Gnassingbe Eyadema in 2005 was seen by the Togolese community at home and around the world as a window of opportunity or a step toward the emergence of the political liberalization in the country.Unfortunately,with the backing of the Togolese army,Faure Gnassingbe,one of the sons of Eyadema,was enthroned as the country’s new President since 2005.The international economic sanctions on Togo in the aftermath of the death of Eyadema,due to continuing human rights abuses and violations by the authoritarian regime,have accentuated the already acute suffering and poverty of the Togolese population.However,the 2006 Global Political Agreement reached between the traditional political opposition parties and the government paved the way to the normalization of the international cooperation with Togo and hence the lifting of economic sanctions by the international community.Drawing from Solow-Swan growth model and a cross-national causality test of the development-democracy-growth hypothesis of Abbas Pourgerami,this paper investigates the impact of foreign aid on the democratization process since 2005 and argues that foreign aid played a paramount role in consolidating electoral authoritarianism instead of establishing a viable democracy in Togo.展开更多
Over two decades have passed by since Poland took the course of democratic changes. In the early 1990s the press sector was re-established as a consequence of de-monopolization and has been taken over by foreigners. T...Over two decades have passed by since Poland took the course of democratic changes. In the early 1990s the press sector was re-established as a consequence of de-monopolization and has been taken over by foreigners. The electronle media sector has been restricted for 15 years and foreign companies could only have one third of the ownership. The complexity of Polish media system reflects the long way from communism and governmental media towards free democratized market with some remnants of the previous era. It is hard to predict when it will be shaped in a brand new way and if it is generally possible.展开更多
The exhaustion of dictatorial powers and communist regimes ushered in the third wave of democratization in francophone Africa,through the emergence of democratic institutions essential to the holding of credible elect...The exhaustion of dictatorial powers and communist regimes ushered in the third wave of democratization in francophone Africa,through the emergence of democratic institutions essential to the holding of credible elections.This new democratic era,which redefines the stakes of power through peaceful political competition in the form of elections,marked the end,at least symbolically,of a time when a coup or popular insurrection seemed to be the only way to overthrow dictatorial regimes.The election thus appears as an instrument of regulation of political life.Through a constructivist perspective,this research aims to discuss the relationship between electoral governance and democratization in francophone Africa.It shows that even if democracy is taken as a tool of political civilization in francophone Africa,there is no institutional linking.It means that electoral must be the key for the regulation and the credibility of democratization and democracy.展开更多
The study examined the impact of democratization on foreign direct investment in Tunisia and has done a comparison of the pre and post revolution periods.The paper has used secondary data for the variables GDP per cap...The study examined the impact of democratization on foreign direct investment in Tunisia and has done a comparison of the pre and post revolution periods.The paper has used secondary data for the variables GDP per capita,FDI,Gross Fixed Capital Formation(GFCF),Current health expenditure(%of GDP)for the period 2001-2018.The study aims to provide arguments of the favorable political conditions for FDI,the purpose is to understand;whether,democracy and autocracy attract FDI in the Pre and Post-event of revolution in Tunisia.In addition,this investigation discusses the key elements for path dependency in democratic transitions from autocracy to democracy.The study found that there is a correlation between the adoption of a democratic regime and the FDI evolution.A democratic regime creates the right political circumstances to improve macroeconomic performance.It can stimulate growth if it is conducted in a stable political environment.展开更多
Americans have always been proud of their democratic system. Since the end of World War Ⅱ, the United States has even used its democratic system as a template to “democratize” some other countries. However, in rece...Americans have always been proud of their democratic system. Since the end of World War Ⅱ, the United States has even used its democratic system as a template to “democratize” some other countries. However, in recent years, the domestic democratic chaos in the United States has intensified, causing widespread doubts about the American political system and its democratic model.展开更多
The analysis refers to the interwar years in Europe.We distinguish four types of coalitions here:(a)Coalitions with other democratic parties,led by a predominant party and most common in multi-party democratic states....The analysis refers to the interwar years in Europe.We distinguish four types of coalitions here:(a)Coalitions with other democratic parties,led by a predominant party and most common in multi-party democratic states.(b)Bringing in ideological opponents on the parts of overarching highly credible national figures such as King George V did in Britain in 1931 in calling upon the charismatic Labour Party leader MacDonald to form a coalition with the still dominant but ailing Conservative Party.(c)The outbidding of more radical political parties by former center parties towards the right or left.One such outcome comes about when this is having a temporary effect only,until the next election is won within the family of democratic parties.Yet,when outbidding is trump the electorate easily might go for the hardest outbidding contender not to be taken over by even greater extremist parties.This process for the analysis of political terrorism and its intention to instigate fear amongst the“neutral”population explains to a large extent why considerable portions of the population are going to side with the most extreme challengers.This is for two reasons,one is pure fear to be out-mastered,the other one is rational choice just to avoid this.(d)The other outcome as to outbidding occurs when the democratic national consensus formation that is still underlying all these processes in normal times is wiped out in times of crises.Democratic national consensus is being lost vis-à-vis a new anti-democratic national consensus formation.Several other theoretical arguments and historical experiences are touched upon.展开更多
There is a growing recognition of the critical role of security governance in advancing democratic transition in the post-conflict environment.Despite such a recognition,the security sector reform concept has overshad...There is a growing recognition of the critical role of security governance in advancing democratic transition in the post-conflict environment.Despite such a recognition,the security sector reform concept has overshadowed the importance of the overarching strategic role of security governance in transition to democracy,particularly in Africa.This paper assesses the status and challenges facing security governance and how they thwarted the efforts to furthering the democratic transition in South Sudan.The paper shows a deterioration in security,safety and security governance outcomes since the independence of South Sudan in 2011 with such a trend unlikely to be abated in the near future without strategic interventions.Some of the challenges facing security governance in South Sudan include the legacies of some historical events including the“Big Tent Policy”,absence of strategic leadership,lack of overarching policy framework,impractical and tenuous security arrangements in the 2018 peace agreement,persistent postponement of the first elections,and dysfunctional justice sector.The paper provides some strategic and operational recommendations to improve security governance and advance democratic transition in South Sudan.These recommendations include formulation of an inclusive and people-centered national security policy,rigorous judicial reform,and early political agreement on new political infrastructure if conditions for holding the first national elections are not met in 2026.展开更多
Padma was 17 when the democratic reform was introduced in Xizang in 1959.Before the reform,the region had been ruled by feudal serfdom under a theocracy for centuries.Nearly one million serfs were subjected to estate-...Padma was 17 when the democratic reform was introduced in Xizang in 1959.Before the reform,the region had been ruled by feudal serfdom under a theocracy for centuries.Nearly one million serfs were subjected to estate-holders'cruel exploitation and oppression.Padma was one of them.展开更多
Lying in politics has long been seen as both routine and destructive.While some falsehoods appear trivial,others undermine democratic processes,erode trust,and inflict significant harm on society.This essay investigat...Lying in politics has long been seen as both routine and destructive.While some falsehoods appear trivial,others undermine democratic processes,erode trust,and inflict significant harm on society.This essay investigates the moral,legal,and political dimensions of punishing political lies,drawing on Kantian deontological ethics,consequentialist reasoning,and theories of democratic communication.It distinguishes minor misstatements from harmful falsehoods that distort elections,public health responses,and national security.Building on Hannah Arendt’s warning about the collapse of truth and Jürgen Habermas’s emphasis on communicative integrity,the analysis shows how unchecked deception corrodes the foundations of democratic legitimacy.Although legal punishment risks overreach and potential misuse,political and social sanctions remain essential tools of accountability.By examining cases such as misinformation in the Iraq War and the COVID-19 pandemic,the essay argues that meaningful consequences for harmful lies are indispensable to maintaining truth as a shared democratic norm.展开更多
Old Xizang long practiced theocratic feudal serfdom in whichpolitical and religious authority were merged. In March 1959,under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, acomprehensive democratic reform centered ...Old Xizang long practiced theocratic feudal serfdom in whichpolitical and religious authority were merged. In March 1959,under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, acomprehensive democratic reform centered on abolishing this feudalserfdom was launched throughout Xizang.展开更多
BACKGROUND Thyroid cancer incidence is rising globally,including the Democratic Republic of Congo(DRC).Despite its increasing incidence,limited data exist on physicians’knowledge of thyroid cancer management in the D...BACKGROUND Thyroid cancer incidence is rising globally,including the Democratic Republic of Congo(DRC).Despite its increasing incidence,limited data exist on physicians’knowledge of thyroid cancer management in the DRC.AIM To evaluate the knowledge levels of Congolese physicians regarding the diagnosis and treatment of thyroid nodules and cancers,and to identify existing gaps and areas for improvement.METHODS A descriptive cross-sectional study was conducted from June to August 2024,involving 369 physicians practicing in healthcare facilities across Kinshasa,DRC.Participants were selected using a multi-stage sampling method.Data were collected via a structured questionnaire covering thyroid cancer epidemiology,diagnostic methods,treatment approaches,and prognosis.Data were analyzed using SPSS version 25,employing descriptive and inferential statistics,with a P value≤0.05 being considered as statistically significant.RESULTS Overall response rate was 96.1%.Of all participants,68%were female and 32%were male physicians.General practitioners constituted 84.8%of respondents,with an average age of 34 years.While 53.7%demonstrated adequate knowledge of hypothyroidism management post-thyroidectomy and 61.2%identified the approach for hypoparathyroidism,only 5.1%recognized the need for radiotherapy in metastatic thyroid cancer cases.Awareness of anaplastic thyroid cancer treatment was limited(6.5%),and 90.2%of physicians were unfamiliar with the surgical complications.Moderate understanding was noted in diagnostic protocols,with 44.2%correctly identifying repeat fine-needle aspiration timing in Bethesda I cases.Knowledge of molecular genetics,recurrence risks,and metastasis patterns was remarkably low.CONCLUSION This study highlights significant knowledge gaps among Congolese physicians regarding thyroid cancer management,especially about advanced treatment modalities and molecular genetics.Targeted educational programs and improved access to diagnostic tools are critical to bridging these deficits.Addressing these gaps can enhance the quality of thyroid cancer care and align clinical practices in the DRC with global standards.展开更多
The US’s Middle Eastern democratization strategy is based on realist considerations of anti-terrorism and national security,while in contrast the Islamic-Arab world’s anti-Americanism originates from negative effect...The US’s Middle Eastern democratization strategy is based on realist considerations of anti-terrorism and national security,while in contrast the Islamic-Arab world’s anti-Americanism originates from negative effects of modernization and globalization along with perceptions of an inherent unfairness in the US’s Middle East policy.Consequently,the advancement of the Middle Eastern democratization processes within this context are bound to face obstacles and distortion.Anti-Americanism not only leads to the absence of a stable environment for democratization in the Middle East,but also constrains the US’s possible avenues to pursue its Middle Eastern democratization strategy when some Arab authoritarian governments use it as a check and balance to resist the US’s democratization pressure.展开更多
The composite time scale(CTS) provides an accurate and stable time-frequency reference for modern science and technology. Conventional CTS always features a centralized network topology, which means that the CTS is ac...The composite time scale(CTS) provides an accurate and stable time-frequency reference for modern science and technology. Conventional CTS always features a centralized network topology, which means that the CTS is accompanied by a local master clock. This largely restricts the stability and reliability of the CTS. We simulate the restriction and analyze the influence of the master clock on the CTS. It proves that the CTS's long-term stability is also positively related to that of the master clock, until the region dominated by the frequency drift of the H-maser(averaging time longer than ~10~5s).Aiming at this restriction, a real-time clock network is utilized. Based on the network, a real-time CTS referenced by a stable remote master clock is achieved. The experiment comparing two real-time CTSs referenced by a local and a remote master clock respectively reveals that under open-loop steering, the stability of the CTS is improved by referencing to a remote and more stable master clock instead of a local and less stable master clock. In this way, with the help of the proposed scheme, the CTS can be referenced to the most stable master clock within the network in real time, no matter whether it is local or remote, making democratic polycentric timekeeping possible.展开更多
In the context of the whole-of-government strategic approach the United States(US)currently applies toward China,the Democratic and Republican parties have reached a consensus on“using Taiwan to contain China,”compr...In the context of the whole-of-government strategic approach the United States(US)currently applies toward China,the Democratic and Republican parties have reached a consensus on“using Taiwan to contain China,”compromising the integrity of the one-China policy and seriously eroding the political foundations of China–US relations.However,considerable differences persist between the two parties regarding Taiwan policy.The Republicans,as represented by Donald Trump,have appeared more radical and more straightforward,whereas the incumbent Biden administration of the Democratic Party has shown significant duplicity.Democrats in the US Congress have introduced relatively fewer Taiwan-related bills than their Republican counterparts;by comparison,some Republican lawmakers have even introduced resolutions calling for resuming“diplomatic ties”with Taiwan.The Taiwan policy gap between the Democratic and Republican parties mirrors their differences on China policy:liberal think tanks advocate for“strategic ambiguity”on Taiwan,but conservatives back“strategic clarity.”And the gap also ref lects the shifting lobbying priorities of Taiwan's Democratic Progressive Party.Looking ahead to the upcoming decade,the Democratic and Republican par ties will continue to compete to“support Taiwan,”thus rendering the Taiwan question even more dangerous.After 2024,if Democrats remain in power,they may hasten the“internationalization”of the Taiwan question;otherwise,if Republicans return to the White House and both chambers of Congress,China and the US may find their relationship even more confrontational.Although the political situation in Taiwan will very unlikely have any fundamental impact on the Taiwan Strait,it will,to a certain extent,influence the intensity of China–US rivalry.展开更多
Introduction: Vaccination plays a pivotal role in mitigating the repercussions of the COVID-19 pandemic. However, vaccination campaigns encounter obstacles, especially in developing countries like the Democratic Repub...Introduction: Vaccination plays a pivotal role in mitigating the repercussions of the COVID-19 pandemic. However, vaccination campaigns encounter obstacles, especially in developing countries like the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). This study aimed at investigating the roles of vaccine hesitancy, refusal, and access barriers, while identifying individual-level factors associated with non-vaccination in Mbujimayi, DRC. Methods: A community-based cross-sectional survey was conducted in three health districts and included 1496 residents. Attitudes and behaviors related to seeking COVID-19 vaccination were assessed using a standardized questionnaire. Hierarchical logistic regression modeling was used to assess factors potentially affecting non-compliance with vaccination. Results: Among participants (median age = 33, IQR = 23.3, M/F sex ratio = 0.7), 60% displayed misconceptions about COVID-19 or its vaccine, while only 35.2% perceived COVID-19 as a significant health threat. Vaccination coverage was estimated at 49.1% (95% CI: 47.5;52.6), with 71.8% of vaccinated individuals having received one dose. Among the unvaccinated individuals, 50.9% expressed no intention to be vaccinated in the future, citing hesitation (30.4%) or refusal (39.6%) mainly due to side effects or distrust of vaccines. Conversely, 32.7% of the unvaccinated persons expressed access barriers despite willingness to be vaccinated. Misconceptions about COVID-19 and its vaccines were the main drivers of vaccination non-compliance. Conclusion: These findings demonstrate significant vaccine non-compliance driven by hesitancy, refusal, and access barriers. Strategies to enhance vaccination coverage and pandemic preparedness should address misconceptions, sociodemographic barriers, and geographic disparities.展开更多
文摘This study analyzes the comparative patterns of democratization between geographic regions and the world. It addresses the question that how some determinants of democracy have different effects among geographical regions. Further, by comparing the similarities and differences in the patterns of democratic diffusion across regions, this study seeks to delineate what changes scholars should adopt in our epistemological approaches and methodological tools, such as the indices of democracy, in an attempt to better understand the policy implications of disparate findings from various empirical studies. As part of a larger research project, this paper focuses its attention on two of the geographical regions Asia and the Middle East.
文摘This paper will deal with the history of an important political change in Spain during the transition to democracy between 1976 and 1982： the transformation of a unitary and centralized state to one composed of several political units capable of self-government. The starting point of that process was the confirmation of regional diversity and of the existence of clearly differentiated political sensibilities in some of its territories. The researchers shall rely especially on the legacy of some of the principal actors, and explore the connection between such diversity and the political change that took place.
文摘After four decades of military dictatorship,Togo is still facing a dilemma of whether to break with the past and take a path of democratization or make changes in the continuity.The death of the former President Gnassingbe Eyadema in 2005 was seen by the Togolese community at home and around the world as a window of opportunity or a step toward the emergence of the political liberalization in the country.Unfortunately,with the backing of the Togolese army,Faure Gnassingbe,one of the sons of Eyadema,was enthroned as the country’s new President since 2005.The international economic sanctions on Togo in the aftermath of the death of Eyadema,due to continuing human rights abuses and violations by the authoritarian regime,have accentuated the already acute suffering and poverty of the Togolese population.However,the 2006 Global Political Agreement reached between the traditional political opposition parties and the government paved the way to the normalization of the international cooperation with Togo and hence the lifting of economic sanctions by the international community.Drawing from Solow-Swan growth model and a cross-national causality test of the development-democracy-growth hypothesis of Abbas Pourgerami,this paper investigates the impact of foreign aid on the democratization process since 2005 and argues that foreign aid played a paramount role in consolidating electoral authoritarianism instead of establishing a viable democracy in Togo.
文摘Over two decades have passed by since Poland took the course of democratic changes. In the early 1990s the press sector was re-established as a consequence of de-monopolization and has been taken over by foreigners. The electronle media sector has been restricted for 15 years and foreign companies could only have one third of the ownership. The complexity of Polish media system reflects the long way from communism and governmental media towards free democratized market with some remnants of the previous era. It is hard to predict when it will be shaped in a brand new way and if it is generally possible.
文摘The exhaustion of dictatorial powers and communist regimes ushered in the third wave of democratization in francophone Africa,through the emergence of democratic institutions essential to the holding of credible elections.This new democratic era,which redefines the stakes of power through peaceful political competition in the form of elections,marked the end,at least symbolically,of a time when a coup or popular insurrection seemed to be the only way to overthrow dictatorial regimes.The election thus appears as an instrument of regulation of political life.Through a constructivist perspective,this research aims to discuss the relationship between electoral governance and democratization in francophone Africa.It shows that even if democracy is taken as a tool of political civilization in francophone Africa,there is no institutional linking.It means that electoral must be the key for the regulation and the credibility of democratization and democracy.
文摘The study examined the impact of democratization on foreign direct investment in Tunisia and has done a comparison of the pre and post revolution periods.The paper has used secondary data for the variables GDP per capita,FDI,Gross Fixed Capital Formation(GFCF),Current health expenditure(%of GDP)for the period 2001-2018.The study aims to provide arguments of the favorable political conditions for FDI,the purpose is to understand;whether,democracy and autocracy attract FDI in the Pre and Post-event of revolution in Tunisia.In addition,this investigation discusses the key elements for path dependency in democratic transitions from autocracy to democracy.The study found that there is a correlation between the adoption of a democratic regime and the FDI evolution.A democratic regime creates the right political circumstances to improve macroeconomic performance.It can stimulate growth if it is conducted in a stable political environment.
文摘Americans have always been proud of their democratic system. Since the end of World War Ⅱ, the United States has even used its democratic system as a template to “democratize” some other countries. However, in recent years, the domestic democratic chaos in the United States has intensified, causing widespread doubts about the American political system and its democratic model.
文摘The analysis refers to the interwar years in Europe.We distinguish four types of coalitions here:(a)Coalitions with other democratic parties,led by a predominant party and most common in multi-party democratic states.(b)Bringing in ideological opponents on the parts of overarching highly credible national figures such as King George V did in Britain in 1931 in calling upon the charismatic Labour Party leader MacDonald to form a coalition with the still dominant but ailing Conservative Party.(c)The outbidding of more radical political parties by former center parties towards the right or left.One such outcome comes about when this is having a temporary effect only,until the next election is won within the family of democratic parties.Yet,when outbidding is trump the electorate easily might go for the hardest outbidding contender not to be taken over by even greater extremist parties.This process for the analysis of political terrorism and its intention to instigate fear amongst the“neutral”population explains to a large extent why considerable portions of the population are going to side with the most extreme challengers.This is for two reasons,one is pure fear to be out-mastered,the other one is rational choice just to avoid this.(d)The other outcome as to outbidding occurs when the democratic national consensus formation that is still underlying all these processes in normal times is wiped out in times of crises.Democratic national consensus is being lost vis-à-vis a new anti-democratic national consensus formation.Several other theoretical arguments and historical experiences are touched upon.
文摘There is a growing recognition of the critical role of security governance in advancing democratic transition in the post-conflict environment.Despite such a recognition,the security sector reform concept has overshadowed the importance of the overarching strategic role of security governance in transition to democracy,particularly in Africa.This paper assesses the status and challenges facing security governance and how they thwarted the efforts to furthering the democratic transition in South Sudan.The paper shows a deterioration in security,safety and security governance outcomes since the independence of South Sudan in 2011 with such a trend unlikely to be abated in the near future without strategic interventions.Some of the challenges facing security governance in South Sudan include the legacies of some historical events including the“Big Tent Policy”,absence of strategic leadership,lack of overarching policy framework,impractical and tenuous security arrangements in the 2018 peace agreement,persistent postponement of the first elections,and dysfunctional justice sector.The paper provides some strategic and operational recommendations to improve security governance and advance democratic transition in South Sudan.These recommendations include formulation of an inclusive and people-centered national security policy,rigorous judicial reform,and early political agreement on new political infrastructure if conditions for holding the first national elections are not met in 2026.
文摘Padma was 17 when the democratic reform was introduced in Xizang in 1959.Before the reform,the region had been ruled by feudal serfdom under a theocracy for centuries.Nearly one million serfs were subjected to estate-holders'cruel exploitation and oppression.Padma was one of them.
文摘Lying in politics has long been seen as both routine and destructive.While some falsehoods appear trivial,others undermine democratic processes,erode trust,and inflict significant harm on society.This essay investigates the moral,legal,and political dimensions of punishing political lies,drawing on Kantian deontological ethics,consequentialist reasoning,and theories of democratic communication.It distinguishes minor misstatements from harmful falsehoods that distort elections,public health responses,and national security.Building on Hannah Arendt’s warning about the collapse of truth and Jürgen Habermas’s emphasis on communicative integrity,the analysis shows how unchecked deception corrodes the foundations of democratic legitimacy.Although legal punishment risks overreach and potential misuse,political and social sanctions remain essential tools of accountability.By examining cases such as misinformation in the Iraq War and the COVID-19 pandemic,the essay argues that meaningful consequences for harmful lies are indispensable to maintaining truth as a shared democratic norm.
文摘Old Xizang long practiced theocratic feudal serfdom in whichpolitical and religious authority were merged. In March 1959,under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, acomprehensive democratic reform centered on abolishing this feudalserfdom was launched throughout Xizang.
文摘BACKGROUND Thyroid cancer incidence is rising globally,including the Democratic Republic of Congo(DRC).Despite its increasing incidence,limited data exist on physicians’knowledge of thyroid cancer management in the DRC.AIM To evaluate the knowledge levels of Congolese physicians regarding the diagnosis and treatment of thyroid nodules and cancers,and to identify existing gaps and areas for improvement.METHODS A descriptive cross-sectional study was conducted from June to August 2024,involving 369 physicians practicing in healthcare facilities across Kinshasa,DRC.Participants were selected using a multi-stage sampling method.Data were collected via a structured questionnaire covering thyroid cancer epidemiology,diagnostic methods,treatment approaches,and prognosis.Data were analyzed using SPSS version 25,employing descriptive and inferential statistics,with a P value≤0.05 being considered as statistically significant.RESULTS Overall response rate was 96.1%.Of all participants,68%were female and 32%were male physicians.General practitioners constituted 84.8%of respondents,with an average age of 34 years.While 53.7%demonstrated adequate knowledge of hypothyroidism management post-thyroidectomy and 61.2%identified the approach for hypoparathyroidism,only 5.1%recognized the need for radiotherapy in metastatic thyroid cancer cases.Awareness of anaplastic thyroid cancer treatment was limited(6.5%),and 90.2%of physicians were unfamiliar with the surgical complications.Moderate understanding was noted in diagnostic protocols,with 44.2%correctly identifying repeat fine-needle aspiration timing in Bethesda I cases.Knowledge of molecular genetics,recurrence risks,and metastasis patterns was remarkably low.CONCLUSION This study highlights significant knowledge gaps among Congolese physicians regarding thyroid cancer management,especially about advanced treatment modalities and molecular genetics.Targeted educational programs and improved access to diagnostic tools are critical to bridging these deficits.Addressing these gaps can enhance the quality of thyroid cancer care and align clinical practices in the DRC with global standards.
文摘The US’s Middle Eastern democratization strategy is based on realist considerations of anti-terrorism and national security,while in contrast the Islamic-Arab world’s anti-Americanism originates from negative effects of modernization and globalization along with perceptions of an inherent unfairness in the US’s Middle East policy.Consequently,the advancement of the Middle Eastern democratization processes within this context are bound to face obstacles and distortion.Anti-Americanism not only leads to the absence of a stable environment for democratization in the Middle East,but also constrains the US’s possible avenues to pursue its Middle Eastern democratization strategy when some Arab authoritarian governments use it as a check and balance to resist the US’s democratization pressure.
基金supported in part by the National Natural Science Foundation of China (Grant No.61971259)the National Key R&D Program of China (Grant No.2021YFA1402102)Tsinghua University Initiative Scientific Research Program。
文摘The composite time scale(CTS) provides an accurate and stable time-frequency reference for modern science and technology. Conventional CTS always features a centralized network topology, which means that the CTS is accompanied by a local master clock. This largely restricts the stability and reliability of the CTS. We simulate the restriction and analyze the influence of the master clock on the CTS. It proves that the CTS's long-term stability is also positively related to that of the master clock, until the region dominated by the frequency drift of the H-maser(averaging time longer than ~10~5s).Aiming at this restriction, a real-time clock network is utilized. Based on the network, a real-time CTS referenced by a stable remote master clock is achieved. The experiment comparing two real-time CTSs referenced by a local and a remote master clock respectively reveals that under open-loop steering, the stability of the CTS is improved by referencing to a remote and more stable master clock instead of a local and less stable master clock. In this way, with the help of the proposed scheme, the CTS can be referenced to the most stable master clock within the network in real time, no matter whether it is local or remote, making democratic polycentric timekeeping possible.
基金the phased result of a key project supported by the National Social Science Fund of China in 2022 entitled“A Comparative Study of the Shifting Political Ecology in the United States and the China Policy of Its Two Major Parties”(Grant Number:22AGJ011)。
文摘In the context of the whole-of-government strategic approach the United States(US)currently applies toward China,the Democratic and Republican parties have reached a consensus on“using Taiwan to contain China,”compromising the integrity of the one-China policy and seriously eroding the political foundations of China–US relations.However,considerable differences persist between the two parties regarding Taiwan policy.The Republicans,as represented by Donald Trump,have appeared more radical and more straightforward,whereas the incumbent Biden administration of the Democratic Party has shown significant duplicity.Democrats in the US Congress have introduced relatively fewer Taiwan-related bills than their Republican counterparts;by comparison,some Republican lawmakers have even introduced resolutions calling for resuming“diplomatic ties”with Taiwan.The Taiwan policy gap between the Democratic and Republican parties mirrors their differences on China policy:liberal think tanks advocate for“strategic ambiguity”on Taiwan,but conservatives back“strategic clarity.”And the gap also ref lects the shifting lobbying priorities of Taiwan's Democratic Progressive Party.Looking ahead to the upcoming decade,the Democratic and Republican par ties will continue to compete to“support Taiwan,”thus rendering the Taiwan question even more dangerous.After 2024,if Democrats remain in power,they may hasten the“internationalization”of the Taiwan question;otherwise,if Republicans return to the White House and both chambers of Congress,China and the US may find their relationship even more confrontational.Although the political situation in Taiwan will very unlikely have any fundamental impact on the Taiwan Strait,it will,to a certain extent,influence the intensity of China–US rivalry.
文摘Introduction: Vaccination plays a pivotal role in mitigating the repercussions of the COVID-19 pandemic. However, vaccination campaigns encounter obstacles, especially in developing countries like the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). This study aimed at investigating the roles of vaccine hesitancy, refusal, and access barriers, while identifying individual-level factors associated with non-vaccination in Mbujimayi, DRC. Methods: A community-based cross-sectional survey was conducted in three health districts and included 1496 residents. Attitudes and behaviors related to seeking COVID-19 vaccination were assessed using a standardized questionnaire. Hierarchical logistic regression modeling was used to assess factors potentially affecting non-compliance with vaccination. Results: Among participants (median age = 33, IQR = 23.3, M/F sex ratio = 0.7), 60% displayed misconceptions about COVID-19 or its vaccine, while only 35.2% perceived COVID-19 as a significant health threat. Vaccination coverage was estimated at 49.1% (95% CI: 47.5;52.6), with 71.8% of vaccinated individuals having received one dose. Among the unvaccinated individuals, 50.9% expressed no intention to be vaccinated in the future, citing hesitation (30.4%) or refusal (39.6%) mainly due to side effects or distrust of vaccines. Conversely, 32.7% of the unvaccinated persons expressed access barriers despite willingness to be vaccinated. Misconceptions about COVID-19 and its vaccines were the main drivers of vaccination non-compliance. Conclusion: These findings demonstrate significant vaccine non-compliance driven by hesitancy, refusal, and access barriers. Strategies to enhance vaccination coverage and pandemic preparedness should address misconceptions, sociodemographic barriers, and geographic disparities.
